I
believe that workers have the right to pursue goals through collective bargaining
in the private sector. I would vote to support the repeal of the National Labor
Relations Act and the abolition of the National Labor Relations Board (while contemporaneously urging local governments to begin to administer N.L.R.B.-type services), as they
are not necessary to uphold collective bargaining rights, which existed prior
to – and exist independently of – any law purporting to uphold, protect, or
strengthen that right.
This is not to say, however,
that unions have any right to compel the management of workplaces to accede to
their demands, nor to lobby government agencies to engage in such compulsion on
their behalf. On the contrary; workers’ rights to collectively bargain exist
insofar as managements are willing to entertain and give credence to claims of
such rights.
In order to foster a civil
society which defends the freedom of association as a basic principle of
legitimate government, it is essential that no governmental agency administer
legislation which impairs the obligation of contracts – whether retroactively
or prospectively – unless such contracts interfere with the right to be free
from coercion, or such legislation is enacted on the level of municipalities or
geographically small counties. As such, I would vote to repeal the Taft-Hartley
Act, which would effectually invalidate the states’ Right-to-Work laws.
Notwithstanding the successes of
the labor movement in helping to procure a decent living wage (in addition to
improving workplace safety and procuring health and retirement benefits), union
security agreements often carry with them the unfortunate effect of increasing
the cost of living, in addition to increasing levels of unemployment and
creating unnecessary barriers of entry into the labor market. As such, I would
urge unions and managements to make open-shop union security agreements in
negotiation in order to prevent and counter-act free-rider problems, rather
than to make alternative union security agreements, which I feel can breed
resentment of unions among working people.
I believe that the current
system – in which the N.L.R.B. wields the power to permit or deny unions’
requests for the right to engage in strikes – can function as an impediment to
the goals of organized labor. Examples include narrowing the range of
acceptable tactics for labor-movement activities, making independent – or
“wildcat” – strikes less likely to occur, making it less likely for new and
fledgling labor unions to gain prominence, and exacerbating the
oligarchialization of agencies representing workers. As such, I would vociferously advocate for dual- and minority-unionism; urging union officials, members, and supporters to tolerate competition by other unions; and urging management to negotiate with multiple unions, as well as with workers on an individual basis.
Although
such mandates are unlikely to be enacted, I would propose legislation
prohibiting the federal and state governments from mandating that all unionized
workplaces within the pertinent jurisdictions have closed-shop or union-shop
security provisions. Additionally – being that informed consent is necessary to
ensure that contract-making is voluntary – I would urge governments at all
levels to pass legislation ensuring that prospective employees become informed
during their job interviews whether they will be obligated to join a union as a
condition of employment.
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