Showing posts with label 10th Amendment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 10th Amendment. Show all posts

Sunday, January 31, 2021

Half of the Federal Laws Do Not Apply to All Americans: Explaining Positive vs. Non-Positive Law

Table of Contents


Part I: The Ninth and Tenth Amendments, and Dual Federalism

Part II: Positive Law vs. Non-Positive Law

Part III: Additional Resources







Content




Part I: The Ninth and Tenth Amendments, and Dual Federalism


     It would seem absurd, at first, to suggest that about half of the federal laws do not apply to all Americans. But considering the text of the Tenth Amendment, it should come as no surprise.

     Amendment X to the Constitution for the United States reads, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”


     Many Democrats, and people on the left, will argue this is a “states' rights” perspective - and that this perspective is outdated, useless, and not favored by the current Democratic administration- and use this line of reasoning to conclude that Congress and the national government must reign supreme over nearly every issue. This argument is incorrect, however, and the Tenth Amendment remains the law.

     Furthermore, this is not necessarily a “states' rights” perspective, or at least it is not solely a “states' rights” perspective. The Tenth Amendment guarantees that powers are reserved to the states “or to the people”. “States' righters” and populists both benefit from the Tenth Amendment.

     This populist view is perfectly valid in and of itself, as well, since the Ninth Amendment appears to suggest that our rights don't come from the Constitution, and don't even come from the law. The Ninth Amendment reads, “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”

     Basically, the fact that not every right is listed in the Constitution, doesn't necessarily mean that that right doesn't exist. Your rights are so numerous that the Constitution couldn't possibly name all of them.

     The Ninth Amendment also suggests that the people's freedoms supersede the needs of our states, if the people wish to refrain from making state-level statutes on all possible policy issues. If our rights don't come from the Constitution, nor from the law, then doesn't our right to thrive necessitate that we have a trade or engage in some sort of work?

     If the state licenses every profession, then those of us who wish to distance ourselves from the state, or boycott it, are reduced to hunting, foraging, and fishing in order to survive. We can survive, but not thrive, if every single profession is regulated by a state-level professional regulation. That is why it is necessary to nullify the states', and the federal governments', supposed authorities to regulate our lives and the way we make a living.


     This is why it is necessary to discuss the Tenth Amendment. I'm not the person who decided to start calling that “the states' rights amendment”, and I wish that it had never been called that. Before and during the Civil War, the State of Wisconsin, and other abolitionists, cited the Tenth Amendment, Jeffersonian nullification, and jury nullification, to oppose the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act. The Tenth Amendment can be used as a tool of states to enforce their order, and it can be used to free large numbers of people from slavery and from control of the federal government at the same time.

     The Tenth Amendment was added to the Constitution specifically to prevent the federal government's size and scope from expanding too much. Critics of the amendment may argue that limiting the federal government's power breeds corruption, but term limits are a form of limitations upon government, and many opponents of the Tenth Amendment agree with term limits.

     Limited government, and the Tenth Amendment, are useful, because they help separate national affairs from state and local affairs, and separate national affairs from the people's own business. At least that is what the Tenth Amendment was intended to achieve.


     The concept of dual federalism is that, as it pertains to regulation, the spheres of influence over certain policy topics are split between the federal government and the states. The federal government's powers are specifically enumerated in Articles I through III of the U.S. Constitution – with Congress's powers listed in Article I – while all those powers not mentioned therein, are reserved to the states or to the people.

     Ignorance of the contents of Article I Section 8 – the "Enumerated Powers"; that is, the specifically authorized powers of Congress – has led us to believe that Congress has powers that it simply does not have. These include the supposed powers to regulate the following policy topics at a national level:


- health / Medicare & Medicaid
- energy
- the environment (E.P.A.)
- retirement / Social Security
- welfare
- child support
- federal income taxes
- housing and urban development
- banking (aside from bankruptcies)
- immigration (aside from establishing a uniform rule of naturalization)
- building interstate highways
- building Post Offices
- management of lands outside the District of Columbia
- protecting patents whose durations are routinely increased
- the wages and union negotiations of people not employed by the federal government


     None of these things are authorized by the Constitution, if you read Clauses 1 through 17 of Article I Section 8 as what it is, a list of all powers which have been specifically granted to Congress.



     The following list is a summary of the powers which Congress has:


 - the power to regulate the military
- the power to coin money and regulate its value
- the power to establish post roads
- the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization
- the power to lay and collect taxes (within certain limits) and borrow money
- the power to regulate interstate commerce with foreign nations, among the states, and with the tribes
- the power to establish tribunals and courts
- the power to protect patents for a limited time
- the power to punish piracy and felonies committed on the high seas
- authority over lands purchased by the government (mostly for reasons essential to national defense)


     This is not an exhaustive list. Please see the original text of Article I Section 8 for the full list of Congress's powers.

     The president and the Supreme Court also have their own powers which I have not mentioned here.


     When the Tenth Amendment says all powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution are reserved to the states or the people, it means that all powers not specifically mentioned in Article I (Legislative Branch), Article II (Executive Branch) and Article III (Judicial Branch) are just that: reserved to the states or to the people.

     This means that the first list that you see above, is a list of policy topics, and problems, which are supposed to be regulated, and solved, by the people or their state governments; not the federal government. Also, it means that the second list consists of what the federal government is allowed to do and the states are not allowed to do (except for the power to lay and collect taxes, which both are allowed to do).

     What this all means is that, whenever the federal government is attempting to enforce a law on health, environment, education, retirement, welfare, etc., it is actually breaking the law (the law I'm referring to, being, of course, the Constitution, and specifically Amendment X). The federal government is in violation of the Tenth Amendment – which is both a law and a limitation upon the federal government's ability to create law – whenever it tries to enforce acts of Congress which pertain to that first list of policy topics.


     But the point of this article is not to focus primarily on the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, nor on the delineation that is supposed to exist between the national government and our state governments. I have included this information only for its use as a review of the background for the point of view that approximately half of federal laws are not binding upon all Americans.

     It is necessary to review the Ninth and Tenth Amendment – and dual federalism, and how they limit Congress and the rest of the national government – to illuminate us as to why this radical view should be acceptable in the first place.


     It is one thing to assert that the Ninth Amendment, the Tenth Amendment, and dual federalism still hold meaning and value in today's society; in 2021, nearly 250 years after the Constitution was ratified. But it is another thing to prove that these laws on health, environment, welfare, and retirement were never constitutional, and never binding law upon all Americans, in the first place.

     But we can prove that that is the case, through the study of the difference between positive law and non-positive law; and then, by understanding which sections of U.S. Code are positive law, and which sections are non-positive law.



Part II: Positive Law vs. Non-Positive Law


     Positive law is called positive law because it posits something. That is, it takes a position that somebody is obligated to perform a positive action. Positive law is law that obligates people to do something.

     Positive law is binding upon all Americans, and the set of sections of U.S. Code which are positive law, include those which outline how the military is supposed to behave, and how the flag is supposed to look, and other things related to basic official duties of the government, as a government.

     Non-positive law, on the other hand, is law which does not obligate people to do anything, unless they are part of a certain class of people. Unless you elect to engage in certain behaviors – such as committing federal crimes like piracy or treason, or earning income which is legally taxable by the federal government – then the law in question does not apply to you.

     If you belong to a federally protected group of people, or a certain class of people which is obviously under the national government's regulatory purview and protection (such as the military, and all federal workers), then sections of the U.S. Code which are non-positive law, may apply to you.


     The reason why all American workers didn't get their wages increased to $10.10 an hour, after President Obama appeared to call for that, is because the federal government can't raise the wages of people it doesn't employ, except for those employees whom are covered under the federal government's minimum wage law protections as outlined in the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (F.L.S.A.).
     State governments decide whether state employees get raises, and private entities decide whether their employees get raises. Additionally, state governments are free to set their minimum wage rates higher or lower than the federal government's, and this is completely legal and constitutional.

     A new federal minimum wage raise has been projected to affect only 0.2% of non-tipped workers, which is less than 1 in 500 workers considering that tipped workers exist as well. So why, if far less than one percent of American workers will be affected, are people jumping up and down at the thought that they're going to get a raise?
     Could it be because they're reading articles such as the one below? Author David Cooper claims that raising the federal minimum wage to $15 by 2025 would "lift wages for 33 million workers". That is probably true; if the federal minimum wage were to apply to all American workers, which it doesn't. Mr. Cooper evidently made his projection based solely on mathematics and his own hopes, without allowing the issue of which workers the federal minimum wage pertains to, to enter into the equation.
     
http://www.epi.org/publication/minimum-wage-15-by-2025/
     The Wikipedia entry for "Minimum wage in the United States" says, "Employers generally have to pay workers the highest minimum wage prescribed by federal, state or local laws." However, that sentence does not have its own source. Furthermore, not only are states free to set lower minimum wages than the federal government's minimum wage; two states are still doing it (Georgia and Wyoming). Additionally, five states have not even adopted a state minimum wage: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Tennessee.

     This is happening because not all American workers are subject to the wage protections to which the federal minimum wage laws pertain. Only the lowest-paid federal workers, and the lowest paid workers covered under the F.L.S.A. will see their wages increase, if the federal minimum wage increases.

     Read this table about minimum wage laws in the United States. Under "jurisdiction", next to "federal", you will see that it says "Fair Labor Standards Act". This is because only the workers covered under the Fair Labor Standards Act are the ones who are subject to the federal minimum wage law protections.
     
http://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/minimum-wage/tipped

     When Obama called for a $10.10 minimum wage, he was referring to the Minimum Wage Fairness Act, which Tom Harkin proposed and co-sponsored in 2013. Harkin was the sole co-sponsor, so it's likely that Obama's support - and maybe even Harkin's as well - were intended solely as symbolic moves. The Minimum Wage Fairness Act never passed. The current federal minimum wage is $7.25, the same as it has been since July 2009 (Obama's first year in office). Obama subsequently supported an increase of the federal wage to $9 per hour.
     The Minimum Wage Fairness Act would have amended the 1938 F.L.S.A. if it had been passed and signed into law. The entry for the Minimum Wage Fairness Act on www.congress.gov is available at the following link:
     http://www.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/senate-bill/1737

     The article "Who is Covered by the Fair Labor Standards Act?" is available at the following link: http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/employee-rights-book/chapter2-2.html#:~:text=Employers%20Who%20Are%20Covered,law%20covers%20nearly%20all%20workplaces.
     In that article, author Barbara Kate Repa explains that there are two classes of workers, as it pertains to the F.L.S.A.: 1) workers whom are exempt from the F.L.S.A.; and 2) workers whom are
not exempt from that law.
     Repa writes, "The FLSA applies only to employers whose annual sales total $500,000 or more or who are engaged in interstate commerce. You might think that this would restrict the FLSA to covering only employees in large companies, but in reality, the law covers nearly all workplaces. This is because the courts have interpreted the term interstate commerce very broadly"
     Repa's observation should come as no shock to anyone who has read my previous essays about the overly broad interpretation of the interstate commerce clause (which I have written about the most in reference to national health insurance policy). Repa continues: "courts have ruled that companies that regularly use the U.S. mail to send or receive letters to and from other states are engaged in interstate commerce. Even the fact that employees use company telephones or computers to place or accept interstate business calls or take orders has subjected an employer to the FLSA."
     Repa continues, "A few employers, including small farms--those that use relatively little outside paid labor--are explicitly exempt from the FLSA."
     The preceding facts should establish the following: 1) some employees are explicitly exempt from the F.L.S.A., and hence, the federal minimum wage protections; and 2) there are some employees who are currently being covered by the F.L.S.A. and its wage protections, who wouldn't be subject to those protections if the interstate commerce clause were not interpreted in the overly broad way that it is now.
     These facts affirm that it is only due to the misinterpretation of the Constitution that certain federal laws on domestic policies are thought, and are being held, to do things they are not explicitly authorized to do, and which they arguably never had the appropriately delegated authority to do in the first place.


     The preceding facts should make it clear that the claims that the federal minimum wage law still applies in these seven states, hinge on two flawed notions: 1) that all workers are covered by the federal law which outlines the federal minimum wage; and 2) that the federal government can make its own minimum wage laws applicable upon workers only tangentially engaged in interstate commerce (and not even physically) in states which are exercising their Tenth Amendment recognized authority to set wages as they please.
     The federal minimum wage law does not apply to all workers. Thinking that it does, lulls us into a false sense of security about our corrupt government. It only buys our corrupt government more credit, and a little more time to keep fooling around behind the scenes, before we realize it is not working in our interests.

     
The F.L.S.A. amended Section 29 of the U.S. Code, which pertains to "Labor". Section 29 is non-positive law. It only applies to certain groups of people, based on their industry, profession, location, or federally protected status. Just like the federal laws on hospitals (found in Section 24), environmental conservation (Section 16), agriculture (Section 7), education (Section 20), retirement (Section 42), and other titles of non-positive law which also "happen to be" topics that aren't specifically mentioned in Article I Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution.

     Our ignorance on the law has led us to assume that the federal government has powers that it simply doesn't have. We have allowed the federal government to promise to do things for us which it is incapable of doing, and which it is literally illegal for the federal government to do (because it's not explicitly authorized by the Constitution).

     This is happening because we don't understand the Constitution, and don't read it anymore; and because most of us have never heard of positive law and non-positive law.


     Acts of Congress are not automatically law just because they are passed by both houses. The president needs to sign it into law, or else Congress has to override the president with a supermajority. Additionally, the Supreme Court has to refrain from declaring it unconstitutional.

     But another step has to occur before that act of Congress can become part of the positive law. It has to be enacted.

     According to us.code.house.gov, every title in the U.S. Code, which is in a section of the code that is positive law, is a federal statute. Each one of those titles has been enacted, as a whole, by Congress, because, in a way, Congress regards it as complete. This is to say that a statutory text which appears in a positive law title, is regarded as having Congress's “authoritative imprimatur”(seal of approval) with respect to the wording of the statute.

     When Congress enacts positive law titles, the original enactments are repealed. One reason for this is that it is not necessary to include things like enabling clauses in the actual set of applicable laws; this would make the U.S. Code even longer than it already is.

     It is not the act of Congress which is being enforced; what is being enforced is a federal statute based on the original act of Congress that changed the law. Each new act of Congress which doesn't create a new section of federal statutes in the U.S. Code, must necessarily amend some certain previously existing section of the code. This means that turning a section of the code from non-positive law into positive law, is probably a very detailed and time-consuming process.

     It has been said about the U.S.A. P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act, that it is a law which it would take weeks and weeks to read, because you have to have the entire U.S. Code in front of you in order to understand it. The Patriot Act includes numerous references to very specific parts of the code, and details the changes which are to be made to that code.

     In July 2018, legal blogger Sam Wice explained positive vs. non-positive law for a blog called Notice & Comment, which is billed as “A blog from the Yale Journal on Regulation and ABA [American Bar Association] Section of Administration Law & Regulatory Practice.”. In his July 25th, 2018 article “When to Refer to the U.S. Code Versus the Underlying Statute”, Sam Wice wrote, “This year, the Office of the Law Revision Counsel has prepared for Congress a bill to enact Title 6 of the U.S. Code as positive law.”

     Well, what is Title 6 of the U.S. Code? That happens to be the section on “Domestic Security”! It seems clear, based on these facts, that the Patriot Act was a massive reorganization of domestic security laws, which paved the way for the transformation of Title 6 on Domestic Security from non-positive law into positive law.


     The following 26 sections of U.S. Code are positive law:


- Section 1. General Provisions
- Section 3. The President
- Section 4. Flag and Seal, Seat of Government, and the States
- Section 5. Government Organization and Employees (incl. Federal Advisory Committee Act)
- Section 9. Arbitration
- Section 11. Bankruptcy and Bankruptcy Rules
- Section 13. Census
- Section 14. Coast Guard
- Section 17. Copyrights
- Section 18. Crimes and Criminal Procedure, incl. Unlawful Possession or Receipt of Firearms
- Section 23. Highways
- Section 28. Judiciary and Judicial Procedure
- Section 31. Money and Finance
- Section 32. National Guard
- Section 35. Patents
- Section 36. Patriotic and National Observances
- Section 37. Pay and Allowances of the Uniformed Services
- Section 38. Veterans' Benefits
- Section 39. Postal Service
- Section 40. Public Buildings, Property, and Works
- Section 41. Public Contracts
- Section 44. Public Printing and Documents
- Section 46. Shipping
- Section 49. Transportation
- Section 51. National and Commercial Space Programs
- Section 54. National Park Service


     It is plain to see, from a comparison between this list, and the first list in this article (the list of powers specifically delegated to Congress), that the positive law titles consist of powers specifically authorized in Article I Section 8 (such as the various military powers, the monetary powers, copyrights, bankruptcy) and in the rest of the Constitution (such as the Census).

     The other topics mentioned, are there because they have been inferred as Congress's powers based on the Necessary and Proper Clause (such as the Postal Service section). Section 51 on National and Commercial Space Programs is probably justified based on the defense-related implications of the space program.

     This all seems to check out, with the exception of Highways and the National Park Service. Section 23 on Highways is likely justified based on the need to establish post roads, which arguably can be done without actually building those roads. The National Park Service is probably justified based on the need for the government to own lands essential to national defense.

     But aside from those two exceptions, it's easy to see how the vast majority of positive law titles derive from the set of powers specifically mentioned in Article I Section 8.


     It's also easy to see how the non-positive law titles do not derive from Article I Section 8, when you compare the names of the sections of non-positive titles of the U.S. Code against the first list in this article. When you compare it to the second list in this article - the list of policy topics which the federal government is not authorized to regulate, but does anyway as it pertains to certain classes of eligible people – it becomes apparent what is going on here.

     The federal government is attempting to enforce laws that were never authorized by the Constitution, and which the people don't want badly enough to bother enshrining it into the U.S. Code permanently (by either turning it from non-positive law into positive law, or passing a constitutional amendment which would authorize the Congress to have exclusive jurisdiction over a policy topic which the states previously had the authority to regulate).



     The following is a list of non-positive titles in the U.S. Code:

- Section 2. The Congress
- Section 6. Domestic Security
- Section 7. Agriculture
- Section 8. Aliens and Nationality
- Section 12. Banks and Banking
- Section 15. Commerce and Trade
- Section 16. Conservation
- Section 19. Customs Duties
- Section 20. Education
- Section 21. Food and Drugs
- Section 22. Foreign Relations and Intercourse
- Section 24. Hospitals and Asylums
- Section 25. Indians
- Section 26. Internal Revenue Code
- Section 27. Intoxicating Liquors
- Section 29. Labor
- Section 30. Mineral Lands and Mining
- Section 33. Navigation and Navigable Waters
- Section 34. Crime Control and Law Enforcement
- Section 42. The Public Health and Welfare (including Social Security, which includes child support titles)
- Section 43. Public Lands
- Section 45. Railroads
- Section 47. Telecommunications
- Section 48. Territories and Insular Possessions
- Section 50. War and National Defense
- Section 52. Voting and Elections


     [Note: There is not currently a Section 53 of the U.S. Code.]

     Given this list, it makes sense that non-positive laws only pertain to certain classes of people. Section 25 on Indians only pertains to Native Americans. Section 8 on Aliens and Nationality only pertains to immigrants. Section 2 on The Congress only pertains to the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate.

     It's easy to see how sections 7, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27, 30, 34, 45, 47, and 48 could pertain solely to certain classes of people and workers as well, and people in certain locations and industries. It's likely that a lot of the New Deal -era legislation ended up in Section 7 on Agriculture, Section 12 on Banks and Banking, Section 15 on Commerce and Trade.


     In all federal and state courts, positive law titles constitute legal evidence of the law. Non-positive law titles, on the other hand, have only “prima facie” evidence of existing. This is to say that the evidence only exists on the face of the law. These laws exist in name, or on paper, only. Prima facie evidence is evidence which would be sufficient to prove a particular proposition or fact, unless that evidence is rebutted.

     According to the U.S. Code website, “A non-positive law title of the Code is prima facie evidence of the statutes it contains”. This means that a non-positive law title of the U.S. Code is not exactly permanent and enacted law, but more accurately it is evidence of a law. On its face, it is evidence that a law has been passed; i.e., an act of Congress. But acts of Congress are sometimes declared unconstitutional. And just because an act of Congress hasn't been declared unconstitutional yet, that doesn't mean that it won't.

     Non-positive law titles are the law, but they are only the law until it is proven otherwise. Again, the Tenth Amendment is a law, but it is also a limitation upon the federal government's ability to create new laws. Proving that certain federal laws are unconstitutional, will prove that it was never legal for those to exist in the first place. Once an unconstitutional law is proven unconstitutional, it's as if it never existed in the first place. That's certainly how it feels when the Supreme Court declares a law unconstitutional. The people simply stop observing the law, and it ceases being enforced. Nobody has to suffer through that unpopular, unconstitutional law any more.

     The American people have every right to demand that all federal laws which are unconstitutional, be recognized as such by all courts from now on. And the American people have a right to fight to transformation of non-positive law into positive law, because that means making more laws obligatory upon all Americans, and it risks permanently expanding the size and scope of the national government.


     They have been passed by Congress, but they pertain to only a certain group of people, such as those who are specifically protected, or those who elect to be affiliated with the federal government for purposes outside those listed in Articles I through III.

     For all other people, the federal law should not apply. Yet here we are, still having income taxes levied against us, using currency that's backed by neither gold nor silver, and allowing the federal government to trample upon our states' authorities to regulate their own domestic affairs.

     In effect, federal laws on health, retirement, education, welfare, etc. are encroaching upon the limited sovereignty which the states are supposed to be exercising. The states are supposed to be sovereign in those policy spheres, while the federal government is sovereign on money, mail, military, and other things. The federal and state governments are supposed to be “co-equal sovereigns”. Yet they cannot be so, if the federal government is “stepping on the toes” of the state governments, and making it impossible for states to regulate their own domestic affairs without being pressured to accept federal funds and federal laws.

     These laws should therefore be considered null and void. They should be considered “waiting to be declared unconstitutional”. Not all Americans are obligated to obey federal laws pertaining to policy topics not specifically mentioned in the Constitution.


     Here are some more facts about what, specifically, it means, for something to be a non-positive titles of the U.S. Code:

     - Non-positive law titles of the Code are compilations of statutes.

     - The Supreme Court may deem – or has deemed  provisions of non-positive titles, to be inaccurate descriptions of the law (which is why the original enactments are repealed when non-positive law becomes positive law).

     - Non-positive law titles might not constitute legal evidence of the law in all federal and state courts, but only in some courts. If a court deems Congress's seal approval with respect to the wording of the statute in question, to be either nonsensical, unenforceable, or not authoritative, then that court should be able to declare that the prima facie evidence that the law exists, is not sufficient or important enough that it should be considered a law. [Note: This is basically a description of Jeffersonian nullification, the process by which a state nullifies a federal law.]

     - A non-positive title of the U.S. Code is comprised of many federal statutes, which have been enacted individually, and have been compiled and organized into the title.

     - A non-positive title of the U.S. Code has not yet been enacted.


     If a non-positive title of the U.S. Code hasn't been enacted yet, then it is not the law yet. Courts are still free to deem it as unconstitutional, and treat it as if it were not the law.


     The American people have every right to allow unconstitutional federal laws to lapse into non-enforcement and desuetude (i.e., obsolescence and “unenforceability”). Non-enforcement of these laws is more desirable then their continued enforcement, but repealing them is the best outcome.

    For those federal laws which are clearly unconstitutional, and are unquestionably still being enforced, whomever has standing to sue, should file a lawsuit, and resist the continued application of laws which vast swaths of the country have long considered to have never been authorized in the first place.

     Such lawsuits must occur before the federal government's defenders begin to argue that “these laws don't need to be repealed, because they aren't being enforced anymore, and therefore they don't affect us anymore”. That is not good enough for us, and it is not good enough for our children to turn the federal government into a mousetrap that snaps their neck in two the moment their parents die.

     We must treat unenforced laws as if they could come back at any moment. Just as we should remember that registration for the Selective Service has not ended, and that therefore the military draft could come back at any time.




Part III: Additional Resources



     Please see the following articles, which I wrote, to learn more about how I believe that Article I Section 8 of the Constitution should be interpreted, and other background information which will help explain why I think many federal laws do not apply to all Americans:

- "How to Easily and Permanently Memorize the Enumerated Powers of Congress" (February 2020)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2020/02/how-to-easily-and-permanently-memorize.html


- "What is Congress Allowed to Do and What is it Not Allowed to Do (Without an Amendment)?" (January 2021)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2021/01/what-is-congress-allowed-to-do-and-what.html

- “Letter to Political Science Professor David T. Canon on Constitutional Law” (January 2021)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2021/01/letter-to-political-science-professor.html




     Please read the U.S. Code, and articles about it and positive and non-positive law, at the following links:


- http://www.yalejreg.com/nc/when-to-refer-to-the-u-s-code-versus-the-underlying-statute/

- uscode.house.gov

- http://libguides.stonehill.edu

-
http://libguides.stonehill.edu/c.php?g=16657&p=92624

-
http://uscode.house.gov/codification/legislation.shtml

-
http://uscode.house.gov/codification/term_positive_law.htm#:~:text=The%20bill%20repeals%20existing%20laws,Code%20are%20compilations%20of%20statutes.

-
http://cmlawlibraryblog.classcaster.net/2017/07/05/what-is-positive-law-and-why-should-you-care/

-
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desuetude

- Michael Badnarik's Constitution Class
     http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wp-48d_jSb4




Written on January 31st and February 1st, 2021

Edited and expanded on February 1st, 2021

Published on February 1st, 2021

Tuesday, June 2, 2020

Press Release: Local U.S. House Candidate Attempts to Form a Mutualist Party in Illinois (Extended Version)

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:                                                            Contact: JOSEPH W. KOPSICK
June 3rd, 2020                                                                      608-417-9395 / jwkopsick@gmail.com



Local U.S. House Candidate Attempts to Form a Mutualist Party in Illinois



     A new challenger has emerged in the race for U.S. House of Representatives in Illinois's 10th district. Lake Bluff native Joseph W. Kopsick, 33, has decided to challenge Democratic incumbent congressman Brad Schneider.
     Kopsick, a political science graduate of the University of Wisconsin, is running an independent campaign. He is also attempting to form a Mutualist Party in Illlinois. Kopsick tells voters that mutualist economics will help make markets both free and fair at the same time, and reduce the harmful influence of monopolies, and help resolve the debate between capitalism and socialism.
     According to Kopsick, “The federal government should manage only money, mail, and military, until we know that it is capable of doing other things competently.” Kopsick wants health, environment, and land issues to be dealt with as locally as possible. Kopsick sees voter education as the most important part of increasing civic engagement, telling voters that “We cannot go on teaching students how the government works, if it is so overextended that it doesn't work the way it was intended to.”
     For Kopsick, the most important issues we face as a nation are the national debt, high medical prices, and child trafficking. Kopsick hopes to pay off the debt through serious budgetary, monetary, and taxation reform, and considers paying off a trillion dollars a year until 2047 to be a realistic goal. Kopsick also sees the importance of making medical goods more affordable; he sees long patent lifespans and unnecessary taxes as some of the chief causes of high medical prices.
     Mr. Kopsick plans to bring his campaign to public libraries and other locations throughout Illinois's 10th congressional district, which encompasses most of Lake County and portions of northern Cook County. Kopsick's challengers in the 10th district, in addition to the incumbent, include Republican nominee Valerie Mukherjee, Libertarian nominee David Rych, and independent candidate Bradley Heinz.
     Kopsick must collect 1,210 signatures by August 7th in order to get on the ballot as a Mutualist candidate. If he does not reach that threshold, voters will still be able to write his name in the write-in space in the general election on November 3rd.
     Since 2010, Kopsick has managed a political science weblog on Blogspot, called the Aquarian Agrarian, which features his congressional platform as well as commentary on political issues. Kopsick is also active on YouTube, Twitter, and Instagram. Members of the press wishing to contact Kopsick's campaign can reach out to the candidate via email at jwkopsick@gmail.com or via phone at 608-417-9395.





Written on June 1st and 3rd 2020
Published to this blog on June 3rd, 2020

Press Release: Local U.S. House Candidate Attempts to Form a Mutualist Party in Illinois (Abbreviated Version)

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:                                                            Contact: JOSEPH W. KOPSICK
June 3rd, 2020                                                                      608-417-9395 / jwkopsick@gmail.com



Local U.S. House Candidate Attempts to Form a Mutualist Party in Illinois




     A new challenger has emerged in the race for U.S. House of Representatives in Illinois's 10th district. Lake Bluff native Joseph W. Kopsick, 33, has decided to challenge Democratic incumbent congressman Brad Schneider.
     Kopsick, a political science graduate of the University of Wisconsin, is running an independent campaign. He is also attempting to form a Mutualist Party in Illlinois. Kopsick tells voters that mutualist economics will help make markets both free and fair at the same time, and reduce the harmful influence of monopolies.
     According to Kopsick, “The federal government should manage only money, mail, and military, until we know that it is capable of doing other things competently.” Kopsick wants health, environment, and land issues to be dealt with as locally as possible.
     Mr. Kopsick plans to bring his campaign to public libraries and other locations throughout Illinois's 10th congressional district, which encompasses most of Lake County and parts of Cook County.
     Kopsick must collect 1,210 signatures by August 7th in order to get on the ballot as a Mutualist candidate. If he does not reach that threshold, voters will still be able to write his name in the write-in space in the general election on November 3rd.
     Members of the press wishing to contact Kopsick's campaign can reach out to the candidate via email at jwkopsick@gmail.com or via phone at 608-417-9395.




Written on June 1st, 2020
Published to this blog on June 3rd, 2020

Submitted to the Daily Herald on June 1st, 2020, but not published

Tuesday, July 19, 2016

Response to the Illinois LiberTEA Organization's Federal Candidate Survey

Written on April 27th, 2016

Edited on July 19th, 2016



           Q: What is your view of the monetary system in the U.S. today?

           A: The declining value of the dollar is the chief cause of calls to raise the minimum wage, alleviate poverty, and tax the rich. Congress should routinely audit the Fed, abolish it as soon as possible, and wrest the control of monetary policy back to the people from this private "independent" organization and the moneyed interests that control it. Government should not limit the development of new and alternative currencies, but it should also refrain from treating debt and C.D.O.s as currency.


           Q: What corrective actions could we take right now to improve the economy?

           A: Lower tariffs, and taxes on corporate personal income, to bring jobs and resources back to the country from overseas. Get the balance of trade under control in order to boost and stabilize the value of the dollar. Lead efforts to abolish onerous occupational licensing laws that make it difficult for low-income people to start ordinary enterprises. Stop punishing savings by getting inflation under control and auditing the Fed stop punishing earning money by taxing personal income, stop penalizing trade by taxing sales.


           Q: Do you agree with the actions the Federal Reserve has taken to solve the financial crisis? If not, what could the Fed have done differently?

           A: The Federal Reserve, if it should even exist at all, should not favor low interest rates over high employment. The Federal Reserve's promise to secure loans to risky borrowers was ill advised, and it cannot be trusted to fix the problem that it had a large part in causing. The Fed should not print money, devaluing it in the process, when government can't pay its bills; instead, spending should be decreased.


           Q: Should the Federal Reserve be audited fully, no secrets, or does it need to keep some information under wraps?

           A: Full audit, no secrets.


           Q: What are your thoughts on government debt? Do you believe it is acceptable for the Federal Government to raise the debt ceiling? If yes, for what reason?

           A: It is not acceptable to raise the ceiling; there is no point in having a debt ceiling if you're only going to raise it each time you come close to reaching it. The Federal government must drastically reduce spending, in order to reduce dependence on and debt to the Fed, China, Japan, and future generations of Americans. Even if we don't figure out how to take in more than we spend in order to pay off the debt, we can restore our credit rating soon, as long as we demonstrate as soon as possible that we can at least have a balanced budget without deficits. I would support an amendment that would require a balanced budget, requiring more cuts than revenue increases.


           Q: What is your opinion on current US foreign policy?

           A: With some 800-900 overseas military bases, and troops in about 150 countries, the military is overextended, and our trifling in the internal affairs of other countries is causing disastrous blowback. We spy on our own allies, when we shouldn't have formal alliances in the first place. We train, fund, and arm foreign armies, often only to end up sponsoring decay of societal order and fighting against our own weapons. We can and should drastically reduce spending on military projects not essential to our defense, without cutting pay of military personnel.


           Q: How should we fight a “war on terror”?

           A: By ceasing to train, fund, and arm terrorists. By ceasing to take our counterterrorism strategy from apartheid states with undeclared nuclear weapons. By ceasing to be an imperialist nation that fights wars to obtain natural resources and protect commercial interests instead of the safety of American citizens abroad. Certainly not by continuing to renew the unconstitutional U.S.A. P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act, the N.S.A., the T.S.A., and putting politicians, celebrities, and infants with names similar to terrorists' on No-Fly lists and lists prohibiting weapons purchases.


           Q: Should the U.S. occupy other countries? If not, would you push to close all bases? Are there any you would keep open and if so why?

           A: The U.S. should only occupy other countries following a congressional declaration of war, and given either danger of American citizens abroad or the invitation by a sovereign country to intervene to stop a humanitarian catastrophe. I would support the dismantlement of all military bases farther than 100 miles from U.S. shores.


           Q: Should the U.S. maintain its standing army? Explain...

           A: The U.S. should maintain its standing army, but a constitutional convention should be called to restore the 2nd Amendment to its original intent of protecting the right to conscientious objection to the draft. Draft registration should end, conscription should be unconstitutional, and the Congress must convince the people that the use of the standing army is in the best interest of popular and national security. The size of military personnel is appropriate, but the Navy and Air Force fleets would do well to be reduced to pre-9/11 levels.


           Q: Is the Patriot Act necessary to protect America? If not, would you vote to fully repeal it?

           A: It is not necessary, and I would vote against renewals and vote to fully repeal it. The Patriot Act violates due process, and makes Americans less safe by violating their right to be safe from those who seek to invade their privacy.


           Q: What information may the U.S. government legally gather about its citizens? When would it be necessary to overstep those boundaries?

           A: The federal Government may only gather information voluntarily surrendered by citizens. It would never be necessary to overstep those boundaries; telephone, internet, bank records, even universal automatic voter registration violates our right to be secure in our papers and effects.


           Q: What limits, if any, should be placed on the U.S. government’s ability to search its citizens without a warrant?

           A: All limits possible. F.B.I. agents can write their own search warrants, and so could the British King's guards. A warrant may not be generalized; it must apply to solely one person or solely one property, and specifically describe the places and items to be searched.


           Q: Should the U.S. government be allowed to protect its citizens’ health by outlawing foods it considers unsafe, or to force medicate (i.e., fluoridation) or force vaccinate citizens?

A: No; this violates people's rights to control what they put in, and do with, their own body. It violates the confidentiality of the doctor-patient relationship. It also adds an unnecessary stigma to the supposedly beneficial foods and drugs and procedures it supposedly promotes. Additionally, food and drug and health standards create a moral hazard, wherein the public assumes these things to be safe simply because they are illegal, and they lower their guard, and personal responsibility is lost in the process. Moreover, health is not mentioned in the Constitution, so the F.D.A. has no business even existing.


           Q: What controls, if any, should be placed on the right to own a gun?

           A: None. Gun control laws are largely written and defended by gun-illiterate people, they are unenforceable save for resort to tyranny, and they have disastrous unintended consequences. I fully support the Second Amendment, however I would not interfere with state laws pertaining to in-state manufacture of weapons, and I do not believe that the law should interfere with people's rights to sue gun sellers and manufacturers. But that doesn't mean that I don't believe that once a gun is sold to you, you take full responsibility with what you do with it; these cases should be settled out of, and laughed out of, court.


           Q: Is there an effective way to keep guns out of the hands of madmen and criminals without encroaching on the rights of free, law-abiding citizens? Please explain:

           A: The only effective way to keep guns out of the hands of criminals is a well-armed, vigilant law-abiding populace, that is capable of and willing to defend itself against violent criminals, instead of relying on police to show up (after 20 minutes on average, and 5 to 7 minutes at best). Sheriffs promoting private citizens being armed is not the result of police dereliction of duty; an armed populace should a complement to armed police keeping as much peaceful order as they can.


           Q: Is our involvement in and subjugation to global organizations, such as W.H.O. (World Health Organization), N.A.T.O., the U.N., etc., a benefit to U.S. citizens?

           A: No. Our membership in N.A.T.O. only obligated us to defend other nations, the list of which is ever expanding, and we additionally bear disproportionate costs of that defense. While our presence at the U.N. surrenders part of our sovereignty, it at the same time empowers us to exercise a tyranny over the world through our Security Council veto power. I do not support U.S. involvement in any international organization, including W.H.O.; I would not consult the E.U. nor the Arab League before going to war; and besides, the United States of America is already an organization composed of multiple "free, sovereign, and independent" states.


           Q: Would you work to repeal international agreements that purport to hold U.S. citizens and/or property under its jurisdiction, or do you think there might be times when benefits outweigh concessions?

           A: Yes, I would work to repeal such agreements. U.S. citizens and property must be subject only to local, state, and constitutional federal laws. The U.S. is unable to submit to international governments, as it is supposed to submit itself to the states and to the people.


           Q: Are trade agreements with other nations, i.e., N.A.F.T.A., C.A.F.T.A., good for U.S. citizens? Please explain your answer:

           A: I oppose N.A.F.T.A., C.A.F.T.A., T.P.P., and other trade agreements, but not because they fail to retain American jobs and protect American Industry. I oppose them because they are managed trade, not real free trade. Raising tariffs (although it would certainly be cons titutional) would not punish worker exploitation and low health and safety standards in industrializing countries; all it would accomplish is cause countries and companies to increase those problems and worsen human rights and workers' rights in order to turn a profit that would help them offset the costs of the increased tariff. I would oppose managed trade agreements and fight for free trade, and the idea that free trade IS fair trade.


           Q: Should the U.S. give foreign aid to other countries? If yes, for what purposes would it be justified? If not all countries, which would you continue to support?

           A: Absolutely not. Although the foreign aid budget is less than 0.5% of the total budget, it is a perfect place to start. We should not spend taxpayer money financing the military defense, nor the welfare states, of foreign countries, even if they are our allies (which we shouldn't formally have in the first place). Calls to provide aid to two countries in a conflict – ostensibly to make things fair – only increases the chances that America will fund both sides of a foreign war.


           Q: Do you know what nullification is? If yes, how do you plan to use it?

           A: Nullification is when states refuse to enforce federal laws, or pass laws that invalidate federal laws. I would not vote that the federal government interfere with states wishing to pass laws that invalidate unconstitutional federal laws, even if and when formal acts of Congress have not yet removed the federal government's usually temporarily permissible, presidential reorganization authority driven, power to legislate on the matter. I would also support jury nullification, and educating the public about the rights of a jury to decide the facts of the case as well as the morality of the law, in addition to educating the public about Lincoln's response to Wisconsin's nullification of the Fugitive Slave Act.


           Q: When does state law take precedent over federal law?

           A: In all cases, except when it comes to: ensuring a republican form of government with due process and fair trials, etc.; punishing treason, piracy, and counterfeiting; providing for the national defense; coining money and regulating the value thereof; establishing post roads (but not necessarily building roads); keeping interstate commerce regular; protecting intellectual property in a limited way; and a few other powers specifically enumerated in Article I Section 8.


           Q: Would you stand up to the federal government and demand that it stay within the bounds of its enumerated powers and out of state business?

           A: Yes.


           Q: Do federal officers have the right to arrest non-military citizens within the individual states for any crimes? If so, explain:

           A: Yes, but only when they have been charged with committing treason, piracy, counterfeiting, or obstructing justice in a way that severely interferes with the maintenance of a just and fair legal and political system.


           Q: What do you see as the #1 problem with illegal immigration?

           A: The #1 problem with immigration is that the D.R.E.A.M. Act, D.A.C.A., and D.A.P.A. have been pushed through executive orders and memoranda, not legislative power. The president's job is to enforce the law which Congress passes, not to write law.


           Q: What actions could we take to stop illegal immigrants from taking advantage of social services?

           A: Allow states to run their welfare and poverty and social systems the way they please, free from federal orders, limitations, interventions, and tempting grants with strings attached. However, non-violent undocumented immigrants should not be prohibited from seeking voluntary charity to provide services normally distributed as public social welfare.


           Q: If you could make one amendment to the U.S. Constitution, what would it be?

           A: A Balanced Budget Amendment, requiring at least a 7-to-1 ratio of spending cuts to revenue increases whenever there is a deficit and/or a standing or accumulating national debt.


           Q: Would you vote to end government subsidies to private industry?

           A: Yes.


           Q: What should our government’s action be against whistle blowers, if any?

           A: No action should be taken against whistle-blowers if the information they leak pertains to illegal or unconstitutional activities undertaken by government. Their passports should not be revoked, and they should not be charged with treason unless they provide either substantial support to, or comfort of, or pledge allegiance to, a foreign sovereign nation.


           Q: Do you know what Agenda 21 / Sustainable Development and the Communitarian agenda is? Do you support it? Why or why not?

           A: I do not support Agenda 21, I believe that the U.S. should withdraw from the agreement, even though it is voluntary and non-binding. Although I do believe that demands for sustainable development and other environmental regulations can and often do hamper industrial development and productivity, I support imposing fees on unsustainable development, and on blight and disuse of land, in order to take the tax burden off of income earners, buyers, and businesses, and in order to implement a taxation regime that punishes destruction of our planet instead of discouraging production and taxes away productive development of private property and the commons.

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