Showing posts with label corporate personhood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label corporate personhood. Show all posts

Saturday, May 3, 2014

Why Voting is Not Necessarily Evil


     We often hear it said today that voting is evil, that it doesn't accomplish anything. Sometimes even that voting is evil because it doesn't accomplish anything.

     For example, comedian George Carlin said, “Two reasons I don't vote: First of all, it's meaningless. This country was bought and sold and paid for a long time ago. … And secondly I don't vote because I believe if you vote, you have no right to complain.”
     He continued, “People like to twist that around … They say: 'Well, if you don't vote, you have no right to complain”; but where's the logic in that? If you vote and you elect dishonest, incompetent people, and they get into office and screw everything up … [then] you are responsible for what they have done. You caused the problem, you voted them in; you have no right to complain. I … who … did not even leave the house on election day, am in no way responsible for what these people have done, and have every right to complain … about the mess that you created, that I had nothing to do with.”
     Additionally, supposedly, voting is evil because it authorizes policies to be enforced through violent means. And so, the argument goes, therefore voting should never occur, and people who vote should be criticized for doing so, because with their vote, they authorized the violent threat that accompanies enforcement of the law.”
     But how can any piece of paper – whether voting ballot, or national constitution, or military or police order – truly authorize violence and aggression against individuals? Aren't we, by arguing against voting, giving in to the idea that the rule of law can authorize violence? Furthermore, aren't we conceding that voting accomplishes anything? Haven't those who use that argument invalidated both of their points (i.e., that voting is ineffectual and evil)?

     It would certainly seem that we have conceded to the idea of legitimized violence through written law, given the recent reaction of Democratic ideologues to the Cliven Bundy cattle ranching story, when such people were thrilled to have the rule of law on their side for once.
     Otherwise, I have only noticed one person pretending lately that the rule of law – and equal protection under it, no less – should be taken so seriously that it should be understood as authorizing violence. That person is Republican Senator Ted Cruz, in his criticism of the president's refusal to aggress against the states of Washington and Colorado for defying the federal government's prohibition of marijuana, a position he appears to have taken only for the sake of consistency.
     I imagine that a coalition based on the Rule of Law and led by Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (who called Bundy a domestic terrorist) and Republican firebrand Ted Cruz would not last long. But unfortunately, what we are faced with today is not merely politicians “going along to get along”. It is not merely the major parties, their associated lobbying groups and PACs, and unions and businesses lobbying for special privileges equal to their competitors, instead of fighting for their competitors to be denied privileges (because they would lose their own privileges in the process).

     What we are faced with in addition to all this is that now parties must additionally use their powers to fight one another with ironic and self-defeating legislation. As has been done for centuries, a congressman may propose a bill that he knows could be likely to succeed, and vote against it while “forcing” other legislators to defeat his own bill. Although this practice has obvious drawbacks, its intent is to encourage more vibrant discussion and debate – and, usually, start that debate in the first place - and to get legislators' positions on controversial issues into the public record. That's why it's such a tempting tool for congressmen.
     Additionally, congressmen can attach self-authored riders, so as to dissuade the full implementation of the law as written, because doing so would enforce a clause whose enforcement would defeat the original purpose of the bill. This is done often without the legislators even knowing, including because some don't even do their jobs and read the bills.
     For example, in 2012 – without hiding the legislation from opponents – State Senator Janet Howell of Virginia introduced an amendment which would require men to submit to digital rectal examinations and cardiac stress tests before being treated with erectile dysfunction. This would inhibit male Republican State Senators in Virginia from being prescribed Viagra. Howell said of her amendment, “We should just have a little gender equity here.”
     Howell wrote the amendment in response to a bill that required all women to submit to transvaginal ultrasounds as a condition for getting an abortion (similar legislation was passed in Wisconsin). So the reasoning in Howell's favor goes, if Republicans must mandate an unnecessary medical procedure as a requirement to get an abortion, Democrats must mandate a medical procedure as revenge. Howell said the Republicans' legislation opens women up to “emotional blackmail”, calling such measures “blatant attempt[s] to obstruct and intimidate women from considering their constitutional right to an abortion.”
     Howell recognizes that the ultrasound requirement adds to the cost of health care for women, and that's certainly part of her motivation. G.O.P. state senators in Virginia were aware of this too, and Howell's amendment revealed their intentions. Although it would actually be very easy to argue that the procedures that Howell proposed are necessary medical procedures, what the Republicans fail to recognize in full is that the legislation they proposed raises the cost of medical care and insurance for people in general. This hurts the G.O.P.'s case against repealing Obamacare by making reforms cutting health costs seem more urgently necessary, perpetuating the idea that Obamacare must be implemented, due to the apparent lack of Republican alternatives.

     George Carlin said, “If you have selfish, ignorant citizens, you're going to get selfish, ignorant leaders.” Likewise, if you have snarky, mean-spirited people, then you're going to get snarky, mean-spirited elected officials. And if you have a society obsessed with irony and based on snark, mean spirit, vanity, and petty vengeance (rather than reason, polite discord, humility, recognition of ourselves in others, and justice through rehabilitation), then you're going to have laws that reflect those ideals.
     You have to ask yourself why – if they want to be taken seriously - women protesting for abortion and contraception rights would say “abortion is sacred” and “hail Satan” instead of “abortion is a decision no woman takes lightly”, which more women would agree with. It might also be necessary to ask how far we are willing to tolerate such ironic and self-defeating rhetoric and legislation, for it risks resulting in the youth of the nation being drafted.
     Democratic Congressman Charlie Rangel, who represents Harlem, is so dedicated to ironic legislation that he is prepared to risk reinstating the selective service (for which all adult men are required to sign up) so that officials who want a military strike should be prepared to put the draft back on the table. This is all in order to prove that our war-mongering elected officials are serious. I think they've already shown they're serious about our destruction, and I don't appreciate Watergate hero Carl Bernstein taking Rangel's idea lightly and entertaining the idea that it means we ought to actually reinstate the draft (to put the barracks to good use). The last thing we need is another war to jump-start the economy, and to put all of our chips – i.e., the future of this country, America's youth – on the idea that violence and compulsion can be legitimized through law written by duly-elected legislators.

     But before asking whether voting is the source of our problems, we must first fully understand why and how divisiveness is also to blame. For if we grant that “abortion is a women's issue only”, then we leave male abortion doctors - and female-to-male transgender individuals who could become pregnant – out of the fold in the decision-making on this topic. If we grant that abortion is a women's issue only, then we leave room for women to say “the draft is a men's issue only”, and we risk forgetting that Charlie Rangel's legislation also provided for women to be drafted alongside men.
     Men and women, people and politicians, and unions and businesses must find a way to get along, or at least leave each other alone when an issue is truly none of another person's or entity's business. In all of this talk about voting and campaign finance reform, we must ask ourselves, “Why are we trying to compel people into association with one another, instead of allowing people to simply receive a share of resources which is controlled by the party they choose to provide it? If voting is about choice, than why must the “chooser” submit to the majority that wins?”
     While some may argue that Australia's compulsory voting law has been successful, I would argue that requiring voting – and even encouraging it – can be harmful to association. Nowhere is this more obvious than in public-sector unions in Wisconsin, in which voting became compulsory for all eligible members. This resulted in many unions ceasing to exist. In my opinion, unions which exist based on majority status are all too often hesitant to exist alongside members-only collective bargaining units and other competing unions, to such an absurd degree that by existing with a legal and political framework, they are leaving the labor movement with no alternatives other than the existing unions.
     It should be obvious that a lack of alternatives to the existing legal, political, economic, and societal frameworks is, in general, the main problem encountered by voters, workers, and consumers. The secondary problem is that once such people are free to choose alternatives, they are not free to have that choice make a difference. Why may we not have democracy for the Democrats, republicanism for the Republicans, liberty for the Libertarians, socialism for the Socialists, anarchy for the anarchists, and tyranny solely for the tyrants?

     The answer is, ultimately, because we were born in America, rather than Switzerland, Austria, Belgium, or the Netherlands. Had we been born in Switzerland, we would be used to the idea of an extremely decentralized government, and the joint government by five or more parties at once. Switzerland's executive body operates as a five-party, seven-member, combination executive body and cabinet. Had we been born in Belgium or the Netherlands, we would be used to the idea of Congress not convening for months or even years at a time, and calling for a new Constitution, government, and elections very frequently (and, for that matter, if we had been born in America 250 years ago).
     Had we been born in Austria, we would be citizens of a country which (through early 20th-century leader Karl Renner) has an intellectual history of social democracy which defers to individual, national-popular, and non-territorial principles. Full deference to these social democratic principles would give us National Personal Autonomy (also known as National Personal Sovereignty), the philosophy of Renner's friend Otto Bauer.
     Panarchist Paul Emile de Puydt said, “The personal principle wants to organize nations not in territorial bodies but in simple association of persons.” He wanted people to register with a national “Bureau of Political Membership”, wherein their choice for an existing party or agency would make them a citizen of said agency, and entitle them to whatever resources or rights those agencies promised to provide. In my opinion, de Puydt's system is the only proposed electoral system which gives real choice to individual human beings; real alternatives to the territorial monopoly on violence which States and majorities seek to wield.

     In his 1871 essay “No Treason” - citing late-1600s British law concerning contracts of surety - lawyer and abolitionist Lysander Spooner wrote that secret ballot voting “furnishes no legal evidence as to who the particular individuals are (if there are any), who voluntarily support the Constitution. It [the secret ballot] therefore furnishes no legal evidence that anybody supports it voluntarily. So far, therefore, as voting is concerned, the Constitution, legally speaking, has no supporters at all.”
     Noting that the voter does not sign his ballot, and that the congressman he votes for does not take a written oath to support the Constitution, Spooner explains that secret ballot voting denies individuals full privity of the contractual association; that is, full direct knowledge of an individual and his choices, before deciding whether and how to pledge to defend such individuals, along with their property and choices.
     Spooner explained that An Act for Prevention of Frauds and Perjuries (29 Chas. 2 c. 3) - a 1677 act of the Parliament of England - had been re-enacted in “nearly or quite all of the States”, providing that contracts of surety (also called guarantee) for another's debt are unenforceable unless evidenced in writing. In Spooner's view, the Constitution is a contract of guarantee for another's debt, and the delegation of power from the individual, to his representative, to those enforcing the law, is not legitimate, because there is no written evidence which the public could legally view. This is the crux of Spooner's argument against the secret ballot form of voting.

     If Spooner's argument and way of thinking about the Constitution are logically and legally in correct, then this means one of two things: #1) the Constitution is unenforceable, or #2) we should amend the Constitution to abolish secret ballot voting, allowing or requiring public scrutiny of election results. While some would argue that this would leave people free to look up who voted for whom and shoot people on that basis, I would argue that such individuals would not have any reason to shoot others, because in a system where people would be free to make unilateral, private contracts with independent parties which provide protection and material resources, nobody's political decisions would infringe on anyone else's.
     In my 2011 essay “The Spooner Amendment” (published on my blog the Aquarian Agrarian, at www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com), I proposed amending Article VI, Clause 3 of the U.S. Constitution. The amendment would read, “The Senators and Representatives, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution, and the Oaths and Affirmations before mentioned shall be written signed, sealed, delivered to, and witness and acknowledged by, the persons who elected them, or their servants, attorneys, or Representatives, under penalty of forfeiture of salary, removal of office, and revocation of citizenship from public officers, and of revocation of citizenship of voting citizens.”
     This amendment would provide for the furnishment of authentic evidence that a given individual has voluntarily delegated to a given public official the authority to act as his or her agent and representative, having the legal power of attorney to act on behalf of that individual with respect to those authorities given him. Essentially, it would restore mutuality, responsibility, and responsiveness to the relationship between the citizen and the representative. Doing this (while also removing congressional privileges from arrest) would make citizens and representatives personally responsible for not only what they themselves do, but also for what one another does.
     Before going further, I must point out that this, too, is a piece of legislation which has ironic results. It would deprive only people who vote from citizenship, which is ironic because that set of people includes all those who have realized that choosing between Democrats and Republicans is pointless and have decided to stop voting. And that is just as ironic as liberals signing an online White House petition to “deport” within their own country the people who signed the petition to ask for state sovereignty; by taking away their citizenship, which is more or less what they want.

     Since I wrote the aforementioned proposed legislation, and am arguing in favor of voting not necessarily being evil or even effectual, I would of course argue in favor of (#2) amending the Constitution, rather than argue that (#1) the Constitution is unenforceable. Taking the latter position would be difficult, because I would have to argue that the government does successfully exercise force in enforcing the law, upon the highly questionable premise that the Constitution is what the government is now enforcing.
     To amend the Constitution (as I have suggested) could take several, or seven, or even two hundred years. However, today it is not such an extreme or unfeasible idea. Rather than being “extreme”, formal constitutional amendment helps ensure that important, valuable laws are more firmly entrenched in our Constitution, so that they cannot be removed for light and transient causes.
     Furthermore, amending the Constitution is not unfeasible because according to Article V, the states have the power to amend the U.S. Constitution by themselves (i.e., without the consent of Congress) – if they have a two-thirds majority - as the states did in order to prohibit alcohol nationwide in the early 20th century. Most importantly, the State of Michigan recently became the 34th state to demand a Balanced Budget Amendment, which obligates the country to hold a constitutional convention, wherein any amendment to the Constitution could be proposed.

     In the interest of full disclosure, I should admit that I have a pony in this race; I am currently running for the U.S. House of Representatives from the State of Oregon's 3rd congressional district, which includes parts of Portland.
     I believe that the nightmare of legislative legalese, bureaucratic red tape, and the risks of imprisonment and fines associated with clerical errors, which are involved in attempting to revoke one's association with the federal government, amount to a threat against all people born in this country whom do not have the socioeconomic privilege necessary to be in a position where they can fully understand the law, how to revoke consent, and how to defend themselves legally and in person without being construed to having initiated violence.
     I believe that if a person who is running for office admits that the powers he will wield if elected are not fully authorized – and that the powers resemble ownership of the citizen (as Spooner additionally argued) – then it is acceptable and desirable to vote for such a person.
     While it may be argued, “But isn't voting ineffectual? What about the fact that voting trends follow the pattern of which company controls the most voting machines in each state?”, I would argue that it is possible to have effective elections within small firms and unions, and in jurisdictions which have enacted online voting and vote-by-mail, and in jurisdictions which are used to frequent manual recounts of election results.
     In my opinion, we should work within the existing framework of the U.S. Constitution to develop an “electoral” system which emphasizes mutual and personal responsibility; unilateral consent of association; direct knowledge of individual persons before deciding whether to protect and defend them; privity, openness, and public scrutiny (rather than privacy and secrecy); and ceasing to perceive that contracts, compacts, and statute laws written decades or centuries ago can invoke some responsibility upon people who were not even born yet when such documents were written. But that, I suppose, is the most ironic thing about the position I'm taking.
     Also, both now and within such an improved system, I believe that we should regard candidates' promises as threats which constitute voter intimidation and vote suppression, whenever they promise to vote to support the enforcement of the law upon individuals whom are unwilling subjugants to said laws (provided that they are non-violent and have not yet been found guilty of anything, which would merit their involuntary association and servitude as a condition of punishment).

     So, does participation imply consent? No; you do not know how to stop participating.
     Does voting have an effect? Technically and legally, no, but practically it does not matter; regardless of claims about unduly-delegated authority, when governments commit aggressive acts, it is because they wield the power and potential to do so. In the case of New York City's Stop-and-Frisk policy, the police regard the 4th Amendment and the necessity of getting warrants before searching people as “hindrances”, so they are looking for ways to legally do what they – by and large – already do, which is ignore those requirements.
     Like I said earlier, many of the same people who admit that voting is ineffective - including because the country is “bought and paid for” (as George Carlin said), and because of the secrecy of results, voter suppression, and voting machines – also believe that voting is evil because it authorizes violence.
     But with Lysander Spooner's help we see that technically this is not the case; instead, we, the American people, are so vain, mean-spirited, snarky, and obsessed with irony and revenge, that we pretend that we are gods, having the authority and power to authorize violence against other people because they have the audacity to espouse different opinions about what kind of behaviors constitute violence, and defend the person and property of themselves, their families, and those who think like them, against those who would seek to prevent them from acting in accordance with their views, and our majority-elected representatives take us seriously.
     This is mainly because they believe that they are wiser and more virtuous than the people - while also somehow pretending that the secret majority vote of a supposedly unwise, unvirtuous people can result in something good – and also believe that a majority vote can elect them an example to, for, and of the people; authorizing them to judge others in a manner that can overrides people's natural rights; the dictates of “Nature and Nature's God”.
     But I am not so blind as to pretend that any vote or piece of paper can authorize violence against any one of the people of such a god; for, as Spooner wrote, “individuals['] … voting is not to be taken as proof of consent, even for the time being. … without his consent ever being asked, a man finds himself environed by a government that he cannot resist; … that forces him to pay money, render service, and forego the exercise of many of his natural rights, under peril of weighty punishments.”
     He continued, “he finds himself, without his consent, so situated that, if he use the ballot, he may become a master; if he does not use it, he must become a slave. And he has no other alternative than these two. In self-defence, he attempts the former.”

     I hope that, in the future, we are able to elect candidates who know how to use self-defeating, ironic legislation for good, and not for evil, that we find a way to only enforce laws upon those who requested to be subject to them, and that the people find a reasonable set of laws that does not pretend to excuse the total control of the people through the threats and violence required to enforce direct taxation upon all earners and households.
     Given Senator Dianne Feinstein's recent flip-flop on domestic surveillance, it seems clear that those who sponsor tyrannical legislation will stop supporting it once it begins to affect they themselves. I hope we succeed in the first round of electoral reform, which involves both making politicians subject to the law, giving the people the same choices our politicians have (for example, with regards to health care and retirement benefits), and removing all special privileges from the law.

     Here's to voting making a difference!



Written in April and May 2014
Edited in May 2014, and on February 27th, 2019




For more entries on elections and campaign finance, please visit:

Sunday, April 20, 2014

Municipal Services, the Fifth Amendment, and Government as a Business

Written on October 13th and November 22nd, 2011
Edited in April 2014



   Because the right or privilege - whether monopolistic or competitive - to provide municipal public services is licensed by government to private enterprises, the provision of municipal public services is not a social welfare program, nor is it a right, nor should it be conceived of as either.

   As such, an individual's use of a municipal service (if and when such an individual pays for that service to be provided) should not be interpreted as a capitulation or a submission to any and all regulations and processes which might be associated with or endorsed by the government having jurisdiction over whatever given municipality; even when the provision of a service is competitive, and especially when the provision of a service is monopolistic.



   One of the most important functions of the libertarians and the Tea Party thus far has been to get Americans to start conceiving of their government as a business. My candidacy encourages this kind of thinking.

   But not in a way that would recommend that we allow corporate welfare, or allow politicians to profit off of financial deals resulting from the legislation they help write, or allow silly things like the U.S. Department of Commerce to continue to exist, but in a way that requires all delegation of citizen power to their representatives in government to take place through contracts which were not signed under the duress of taxation and threatened imprisonment, and in a way that allows the government to be operated for-profit without fear that politicians who struggle to find legal ways to allow government to get rid of toxic assets like Amtrak and the Post Office so that the people will not have to bear their burden and inherit their debts to be ridiculed as privatization-pushers.

   Those who believe that eminent domain and the Takings Clause should only be used to put private property under the management of the public, but decry the sale of public property to private entities as unconstitutional privatization for the benefit of special interests, are giving the government an unlimited license to grow, and to put its citizens in debt.

   If a government does not practice both eminent domain and privatization, then it should practice neither.




For more entries on Fifth Amendment property takings, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/private-beachfront-property-takings.html
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/questions-about-roads-eminent-domain.html

For more entries on enterprise, business, business alliance, and markets, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/enlightened-catallaxy-reciprocally.html
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/agorist-protection-agencies-and.html

For more entries on social services, public planning, and welfare, please visit:

Friday, August 10, 2012

Speech at the Capitol in Madison, Wisconsin

            In 1961, an American president said, “we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence… by the military industrial complex”.
            In 1850, Frederic Bastiat warned us about the broken window fallacy; the notion that destruction can be beneficial to the economy, provided that recovery involved the spending of money and the creation of jobs.
            Perhaps this fallacy is the very motivation for our policies of financing the destruction and re-building of foreign infrastructure; of sabotaging our own infrastructure to keep inflation under control; of subsidizing housing in areas prone to floods and fires.
            Of course, the broken window fallacy holds true for you in particular if you are one of the lucky few given the privilege of exclusive contract to rebuild; one of the special interests able to curry favor of those with discretion to spend public funds.

            But who are these special interests? Who are these agencies able to thrive on society’s dime? And which of them are among the most responsible for the financial mess in which we find ourselves today?
            Military technology and private security contractors; Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Halliburton, and Blackwater? Certainly. The security apparati and those who serve them; commanders, soldiers, domestic law enforcement officers? Certainly.
Banks like A.I.G., Bank of America, Citigroup, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, Goldman Sachs; and auto manufacturers like General Motors and Chrysler? Of course.
People who brought their goods to market on the roads the rest of us paid for, and who hired workers the rest of us paid to educate? Some would say so. Presidential pet projects like Solyndra, and public employees like educators and physicians? Some would say so. Perhaps even the public employees we elect to represent us are special interests.

            Whatever our view on which stimulus projects and which government employees are holding the economy back, we can certainly agree that the military-industrial complex and the banks are the main culprits, and that they help to prop one another up.
            This is especially obvious given that Goldman Sachs – the seventh-largest receiver of bank bailout funds – is financing the campaigns of both major-party presidential candidates, and given the vastly disproportionate percentage of former Goldman employees working for the Federal Reserve and other financial agencies of the federal government.
            It should come as no surprise, then, that both major-party presidential candidates are proponents of both wasteful, aggressive foreign military interventionism and central banking; especially bearing in mind that in 2009, a candidate for president said, “it is no coincidence that the century of total war coincided with the century of central banking”.
            It is this total war which saps the strength, the labor, and the attention of the citizen, and which pilfers the existing wealth of foreign nations, creating a convenient “war bubble” to replace any other market bubbles whose collapse may be impending. Thus, truly, it is the military-industrial complex and the banks – and, by association, the American public and its financial institutions – which thrive off the dime of global society.

            Of course, the reason these military technology and private security firms, big banks, auto manufacturers, and so on, are given taxpayer funds, is because they are able to afford to hire powerful lobbyists to attempt to curry favor of politicians, who have the discretion to spend such money in the first place.
            By now, it has eluded few that lobbying and special interests have significantly contributed to the culture of corruption, financial irresponsibility, and ill-gotten power which pervades the nation’s capital. And, of course, the barriers to unlimited and secretive campaign finance have been eroded by the nation’s courts in recent years.
            Thus, we arrive at the phrase “corporate personhood”. Our knee-jerk response to this phrase is to simply assert that corporations are not people, but such an assertion has no legal repercussions, and does not change the law. The law still defines corporations as legal persons.
            Corpus mysticum, the mystical body of the church. The body politic of the American public. A legislative body, such as Congress. Head of church, head of State. Why are political and religious institutions likened to the human body? Of course, because the root of the word “corporate” means “body”.
            I – a living, breathing human being – possess corporeity (that is, bodiliness); the quality of having a body. Corporeity is a quality I possess; a characteristic, a property which I possess. My bodiliness is my property.
            Property, the characteristic of being one’s own; that which is unique to oneself. I possess my body, my bodiliness, my corporeity, my own, my ownership, my uniqueness. I am corporeal, regardless of whether my characteristic of having a body is recognized by church, State, et cetera.
            But the State may still have legalistic methods of recognizing the characteristic of being of a body. Thus, businesses such as corporations – and, indeed, labor unions – who perceive themselves as possessing a single physicality (a single body) may wish to take the opportunity to have their bodiliness believed, endorsed, and upheld by government, and treated like you and I, able to give to campaigns, and to receive special-interest money as if it were the general welfare.
            But unlike you and I, corporations, unions, and governments have the potential to live forever. Some writing on a piece of paper supposedly makes them perpetual, regardless of our attempts to destroy them; to end their “lives”.

            Philosopher Max Stirner notably rejected the corporeity of “God, Emperor, Pope, Fatherland, et cetera”, and asserted that the only way to reclaim what is one’s own is to proclaim “I alone am corporeal”, and destroy the corporeity of these “geists” (typically translated as either “ghosts” or “spirits”).
            So how do we destroy the wealth-sucking, undead, zombie entities of government, unions, and corporations, and reclaim our lone corporeity? How do we eliminate secrecy from the electoral system, and make the government spend the money earned by all of us in order to benefit all of us?
            I say that the General Welfare Clause – were the Constitution obeyed – should protect us against special interests, being that the common and universal good should be the only recipient of taxpayer funds.
            I say that the root of secrecy in the electoral process is the very practice of secret-ballot voting itself, in which we refrain from requiring citizens to sign their ballots, and requiring representatives to sign and obey the contracts they make with We the People; and in which we even give our representatives – who act as our power of attorney, who act as legally us – special privileges to break the law.
            We give our representatives license to commit crimes on our behalves; and yet we are the ones who receive the punishment. On top of it all, we obligate ourselves to obey them financially, whereby we become names on pieces of paper; legal fictions on-par with corporations and so on. Corporations are people, yes, but only to the extent that people are corporations.
            But this merger of State and corporate power; is this a problem of capitalism? Socialism? Mussolini defined corporatism as the merger of State and corporate power. But why call “corporatism” what most call “unfettered crony capitalism”? Is corporatism the free market? Is it a form of socialism? Do socialism and the free market have any common reasons to oppose corporatism?

            Proponents of the free market desire a minimal standard of economic efficiency.
            For this to occur, transaction costs and externalities must be eliminated.
            To minimize transaction costs, usury and fraud in banking practices are to be discouraged. This would prohibit fractional-reserve banking, the use of debt as a medium of exchange, the misrepresentation of funds, and speculation without the full backing of assets, and all sorts of fraudulent banking-sector activity which precipitated the current financial mess. Indeed, many of these practices have at times been prohibited by federal law.
            Furthermore, low interest and lending rates are to be desired, insofar as they are natural and not manipulated by lenders. This necessitates that interest rates be only high enough to cover administration costs, and can allow for the possibility of zero- and negative- interest-rate lending. This type of banking has been supported by Mutualists and individualist anarchists alike, whom are generally regarded as falling on the left side of the political spectrum.
            Minimizing and compensating for externalities requires that people have the right to pursue restitution and compensation, whether they have been harmed intentionally, or inadvertently, and regardless of whether the action resulted in harm or benefit.
            This stands in contrast to the “privatize-the-gains,-socialize-the-losses” model; in that it necessitates compartmentalizing risk, through localization and specialization, for example. It would also necessitate solutions like fee-for-service models, encouragement of safety and discretion, minority-unionism, and members-only collective bargaining.
            Thus, we see that an ideal left-anarchist banking system and an ideal free-market banking system would not be very different at all.

            What else unites these two schools? The freedom of the individual to determine for his own subjective purposes the values of goods and services; the value of the product and fruits of one’s labor; and the value of the wages, benefits, and conditions for which one is willing to work.
            Additionally, the freedom of the individual to determine for his own purposes his ethical principles, and which agencies should hold him responsible and answerable to his own claimed moral code.
            The left has typically been very supportive of such civil liberties and market freedoms. After all, the left has contributed non-violent resistance, civil disobedience, conscientious objection, and the consent of the governed.
            However, there have been a few slip-ups along the way, such as direct democracy and market abolition (in which all economic decisions are made by vote, and individuals have no freedom to profit, or to name their own prices), as well as cartelization of the labor market (in which people are free to decide what compensation they will work for, unless it is below some standard set by the privileged and the already-employed).
            But in general, both left-anarchists and proponents of the free market have supported the freedom of action, preference for large numbers of alternatives in economic and political decision-making, the freedoms of speech and expression, and the notion that peoples should live and let live.
            But why, then, if consent of the governed and plentiful alternatives are desirable, do we not have more than one choice in who will govern us? Leave aside the ideas that we can “vote with our feet” by moving to the place with the set of laws we despise the least, and that we have political choice due to choice between parties; where is our freedom to choose an entire government whose ethics is in-line with our own?
            Isn’t this the state of affairs which are decried by the left as “monopolistic”, monopoly typically thought of as leading to abuse, given the lack of alternatives? Doesn’t the government – in the absence of competitors – tend to make decisions in its own selfish interest whenever given the opportunity? Doesn’t the government in these respects behave as a greedy corporation?

            If anything good has come out of this financial crisis, it is that many Americans have come to perceive government as a business. Of course, it should be frugal, have a balanced budget, and not spend money it doesn’t have, like money which will have to be earned by – and taken away from – future generations.
            But it is crucial to perceive government as a corporation, which seeks to horizontally integrate by competing with other nations in armed conflict, and which seeks to vertically integrate by controlling and conquering smaller and more local governments.
            Why have we abandoned the maximal localization of the provision of government services? Don’t we support checks-and-balances, and the separation of powers? Don’t we want to protect the local economy from the distortions caused by the Federal Reserve and the big banks? Why should every national problem have a federal solution?
            Proponents of the free market do not support artificial collusion, monopolies, or oligarchies. They support voluntary cooperation and collaboration, and friendly competition as an alternative to unfair economic and power privileges for the few.
            The minimal standard of economic efficiency which I described earlier, in fact, rests on the notion that no seller or buyer should be so large that it can disproportionately affect the supply, demand, and price of goods and services. Such an environment would seek to eliminate unnatural scarcity and conspicuous consumption, as they are antagonistic to economic efficiency and equality of opportunity in the marketplace.
            Furthermore, information of consumers (and consumers of government services, i.e., citizens) is desirable. Voters and buyers in the marketplace act most reasonably and logically – and in accordance with the public good – when they are informed about their alternatives as much as possible, and able to rank their preferences in accordance with their own subjective needs, desires, and ethics.
            This is what we should be pursuing: information and alternatives in the electoral system. Information and informed consent in voting; full disclosure, and lack of secrecy. Not privacy, but privity; the right to be privy to contracts made with our elected representatives, and the right to hold our representatives responsible for the crimes which they commit in our names and with our money.
            Alternatives in voting; increased access to polls, debates, and ballots for independent candidates and alternative political parties. Furthermore, the elimination of the effects of pandering as bribery, as well as other forms of undue external influence on independent voter choice.
            Alternatives in government; the freedom of the individual to choose a government whose ethics are in-line with his own, and to choose which government obligates him to follow the set of ethics in which he claims to believe, and by which he claims to act.
            I believe that all goods and services typically provided by government exist in a marketplace, and that receipt of such goods and services constitutes commerce. In the Interstate Commerce Clause of the Constitution, we find legal prohibitions on state monopolies on commerce.
            I believe that this clause can and should be used to justify the use of federal power to eliminate the states’ monopolies on the representation of citizens within their claimed jurisdictions.
            Why should we remain unfree to choose which among the many governmental agencies in this country best suits our personal ethics? Why should we remain unfree to sue our government, without appealing to the very same government to make the decision? Hasn’t big business made enough decisions that have affected our lives without our consent? Why should government continue to imitate big business?

            Ladies and gentlemen, I’m running as a write-in independent candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives from Wisconsin’s 2nd congressional district. As a write-in candidate and as an independent, I support a multitude of reforms which would make it easier for alternative candidates and parties to get into the electoral system, as well as a multitude of reforms which would make government, politicians, and businesses more responsible and responsive to the people.
            We can no longer tolerate the degree of government secrecy to which we have become accustomed, nor the degree of pandering to special interests. If I am elected your congressman, I promise to combat special interests; by voting against the legislation which they sponsor, but also by adhering to the Constitutional provision that taxpayer funds should only benefit the universal, common good; that funds which are earned by – and taken from – all of us, should benefit all of us.
            A government in which I would see reforms which I favor enacted would be protective of individual privacy and civil liberties; basic and essential freedoms of the marketplace; subjective decision-making in political and economic matters alike; and diversity, whether cultural or ethical.
            There is no such thing as freedom so long as those who perceive themselves as among the most tolerant do not tolerate the freedom of others to choose to be subject to political institutions which obligate them to act in accordance with their own moral principles; as long as they do not harm others; others are free to seek compensation for harms inflicted upon them; and individuals give fully-informed, uncorrupted consent to the political associations to which they become party.
            Please vote for me – independent candidate Joe Kopsick – by writing-in my name on the ballot for U.S. House on November 6th, 2012, and we can have a free society; with freedom of the individual, freedom of the community, freedom of the marketplace, freedom in the voting booth, and freedom from worry that violent collusion between business and the State will cause our economic and civil society to collapse before it arrives at the precipice, which we have been anticipating for decades, and which seems all the more immediate and impending as the days go by.



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Wednesday, February 22, 2012

Scott Walker and Government Secrecy

I would like Madisonians to think about a segment of the Wisconsin populace that both sides of the Walker-versus-the-unions issue have overlooked – and seem to want to continue to overlook; I’d like to offer a libertarian perspective on this, the one-year anniversary of the Wisconsin union protests.


Are you ready to take back your freedom of peaceful assembly and your freedom of speech? Do you want to put a stop to these wasteful, disastrous, undeclared wars in the Middle East?
Do you want to repeal the PATRIOT Act and the NDAA and stop illegal searches and seizures by the TSA and the FBI? Do you want to end warrantless spying and wire-tapping, extrajudicial killing of American citizens, and indefinite detention without trial?
Do you want to stop the CIA’s funding and armament of foreign drug lords? Do you want the DEA to stop raiding legal medicinal marijuana dispensaries in Colorado and California? Do you want to pardon all non-violent drug offenders and legalize the recreational use of marijuana?
Do you want to let the states raise their fuel-economy standards for automobiles if they think they can do better than the standards set by the EPA? Do you want to give towns and counties in northern Wisconsin the freedom to raise their clean-water standards if they think they can do better than the rest of the state, and protect themselves against the hazardous health effects caused by the pollutants of mining operations? Do you want the federal government to stop selling-out our water, air, and farms to BP, Halliburton, the Chicago Climate Exchange, and Monsanto?
Do you want to stop congressional insider trading without making it harder for politicians to disclose to the public the details of the bills that congress is considering? Do you want to close the revolving-door between politicians, lobbyists, and high-power corporate lawyers? Do you want to end corporate finance of political campaigns and the legal fiction of corporate personhood?
Do you want to put an end to these multi-trillion-dollar bailouts that lose taxpayer money, add to the debt and the deficit, don’t stimulate the economy, and make industries harder to regulate instead of easier?
Are you prepared to see more of your income taxed away – and put your children and grandchildren into debt slavery – to pay for this wasteful deficit spending, and hundreds of trillions of dollars in unfunded liabilities?
Are you tired of the Federal Reserve printing up trillions a year to cover for all this waste, inflating the dollar and devaluing your wages in the process?
Are you sick of giving special legal protections to politicians, and helping them stay unaccountable to the law and to the people they represent?
Do you want to abolish secrecy at all levels of government?

Several years ago, President Obama promised the American people the most transparent and open administration in history, but it is becoming more apparent every day that this has not happened, and that it is not going to happen.
If the events of the last twelve years have taught us anything, it’s that we can no longer tolerate the degree of government secrecy to which we have become accustomed. This is especially obvious in regards to our foreign policy, our intelligence agencies, and our developing lobbying-regulation complex.
This complex permits legislators and representatives of big business such as lobbyists and corporate lawyers to collude to write laws and company policies favorable to their own common interests. It also gives a revolving door for such people to switch jobs, has allowed our politicians to get away with a form of legalized insider trading, erodes at our campaign finance laws, and corrupts the integrity of our elections.
John F. Kennedy once said, “the very word ‘secrecy’ is repugnant in an open and free society”. So how may we best remove secrecy from our political process? Perhaps we should look even closer to home than lobbying, campaign finance, and congressional insider trading; perhaps we should look at the very act of voting itself.


How long must we suffer the evils posed by voting machines, hacker threats to voting machines, the tabulation of voting-machine results in undisclosed locations to counter such threats, and people voting under the names of recently-deceased registered voters (which recently corrupted the results of several Republican primaries)?
How many would agree that Wisconsin’s toughened voter-identification requirements threaten the integrity of our democracy and undermine the privacy of our secret-ballot system?
But what if the privacy that the secret-ballot system gives to our politicians and to the voting public is the same kind of privacy possessed by the “independent” private Federal Reserve System? What if the reason that politicians and representatives of businesses can get away with these back-room handshake deals – and the reason that the president can get away with signing unconstitutional bills with a robotic pen – is precisely because there is no paper trail; and because there are no real, verifiable signatures?
What if the ballot is a contract between the people and their public officials, and the spoken oaths our politicians take to “preserve, protect, and defend” the law are meaningless? What if the voluntary, written contract is the necessary condition for all open, free, transparent, and legitimate government; and this secret ballot that we never sign is the source of all government secrecy?
What if the Statute of Frauds – which states that no contract to provide goods shall be enforceable unless evidenced in writing – applies to the public goods provided by government, and therefore stands in direct and flagrant violation of the secret-ballot-voting provision of the State Constitution?
What if, instead, it is the secret-ballot provision which is in violation of centuries of common contract law upon which the Statute of Frauds – and indeed, our entire legal system – is based?

How can we expect a politician who has never signed a written oath of office be held legally accountable to a group of people who never signed a written agreement to give him authority?
Surely this lack of written evidence that an agreement has been made – coupled with the constitutional provision that no congressman shall be required to respond to questioning (except in a speech or debate) – does nothing to prevent the use of government power to ensure that our politicians remain unaccountable for their actions and votes, and irresponsive and irresponsible to the will of the people.
What does it mean when our representatives in congress are immune from prosecution for most misdemeanors? When five-sixths of them cannot be recalled by their constituents? When they have the sole power to impeach other federal public officials – while they themselves are extraordinarily difficult to impeach – and when we do not have the option to vote “none of the above” and choose not to be represented (without a new election being held later)?
What does it mean when we are not free to represent ourselves?

Although we pay their salaries, our “public servants” do not work for us. Nor can it be said that any mutual exchange occurs in the act of secret-ballot-voting for political representation. Nor even do we merely work for our politicians, no; something else entirely is going on here.
If the purpose of government is to promote “liberty and justice”, why then are we required to choose someone to make decisions on our behalves? Certainly it would be most just for us to have the liberty to make our own decisions, as long as they do not directly harm others or damage their property.
Certainly if we choose to participate in a civil-societal system in which actions whose morality is more debatable than causing direct physical harm are made illegal according to the will of a majority of the people’s elected representatives, we owe it to ourselves and to our neighbors – both majority and minority – to establish some mechanism whereby it can be verified that participants in such a system choose to cooperate willingly, voluntarily, and not under duress; and consciously, of sound mind, and capable of giving informed consent.

When did you and I agree to support this government? Who among us can rightfully claim that he was informed and not under duress when he agreed to do so?
Do we agree to support this government when we vote? If so, were we informed when our politicians pandered and lied to us? Were we informed when we perfectly and completely understood macroeconomics, constitutional process, and the concerns of our fellow voters?
It has been said that the secret-ballot system is a safeguard against voter intimidation and bribery. Putting aside that voter intimidation and bribery do exist under the current secret ballot system, who among us can say that he did not vote against one candidate because he was afraid of the kind of controls which that candidate would impose on him? Is this not voter intimidation? Is this not duress?
Who among us can say that he did not vote for his candidate of choice because of the economic gains that that candidate promised him? Is this not bribery? If your answer to any of these questions is “no”, then what about when those threats of control and promises of economic gain would be delivered through methods which violate the Constitution and do not promote the general welfare?
Some say that when we vote, we agree to support the government, but only for a period of time equal to the length of the term which our elected officials would serve. But do we not agree to support the government for as long as we choose to be citizens? Do native-born Americans indeed choose to become citizens? Do we agree to support this government when we begin to benefit from it by participating in its programs?

Who among us can say that he was informed and conscious of what was happening to him when his nurse stamped his footprint onto his souvenir birth certificate, or when his parents signed him up for a Social Security number in his first weeks of life?
Who among us can say that he truly consented to these actions? Being that we were not able to resist them – nor able to understand why we might want to – were these actions not performed under duress and without informed consent?
If our civil society is truly based on “the consent of the governed” – and if participation in it is based on informed consent, then why – when we come of age – does the government not make it known to us that we may choose to opt-out of the Social Security system; or permit us to expatriate ourselves (that is, renounce our federal citizenship)?
The 14th Amendment provides that “[a]ll persons born or naturalized in the United States… are citizens”, but only if they are “subject to the jurisdiction thereof”. Do we not have the right to choose whether to subject ourselves to the federal government’s jurisdiction?
The federal government, the governments of the states, and we the people are – after all – co-equal sovereigns, who only submit to one another willingly. Are we to take it on faith that the governments of the states wield the collective right to subjugate our wills to the power of the federal government, or should we consider that the existence of the federal government – and our participation in it – may constitute a rebellion against the sovereignty, freedom, and independence of the states?
Why is political representation in the U.S. House based on the number of residents in each state who are available to be compelled to fund the operations of the federal government, rather than on the number of people who – willingly and of their own volition – agree to become federal citizens, and to support and fund the federal government’s functions?
Why do the politicians who tell us that “citizenship is not an entitlement program” not remind us that we have the right to waive and forfeit the benefits of citizenship, thereby relieving the government of the burdensome responsibility to provide for the privileges associated with citizenship?
Why do these politicians instead use “citizenship… not [being] an entitlement program” as an excuse to encourage us to fund and pledge loyalty to the government, and to consume its resources? What benefits are we to expect from a system that often requires us to kill and to die against our will for the furthering of its own power?

Private property has been defined as the absolute power and freedom to exclusively possess – and to use and abuse – at one’s own discretion; it is the ability to become the sole controller and dominator of an object, and the right to refuse to respond to questions about whether a possession is being either used or abused.
But do not our politicians have the power to control and dominate – to use and abuse us – at their own discretion? Do not their special privileges from arrest, their power to remove other politicians from office, and our lack of power to refuse to consent to delegate authority to them make their rule over us exclusive and absolute? Does not their legal immunity from questioning – except when we are choosing which one of them will control us – make their rule over us irresponsive and irresponsible?
Are our bodies not, then, given over by our parents at birth as possessions to be dominated – absolutely, exclusively, and irresponsibly – by rulers whose authority we have no power, right, or privilege to withdraw consent to delegate?
Are we not, then, sold into a system which we are legally incapable of resisting but required to obey? Are we not, then, the literal property of our government masters? Are we not, then, but prisoners and slaves? Are not prisoners permitted to earn and spend money? Are not slaves permitted to breathe fresh air?
What is your registration of birth but a contract signed by your parents to permit the government to repossess you if its deems your parents’ level of parental care to be below some standard set intentionally high so as to excuse your kidnapping by Child Protective Services, which studies have shown to have much higher rates of physical and sexual abuse than does the general public?

So are you a person, or are you a piece of property? Is a corporation a piece of shared property, or is it a person? We can actually answer both of these questions at once.
What is a person? According to Black’s Law Dictionary, statutes may define a “person” so as to include not only human beings and corporations, but also labor organizations, partnerships, associations, legal representatives, trustees, and others. This would explain why corporations and labor organizations – unions – have the same rights as people when it comes to donating money to political campaigns.
Why is the root of the word “organization” – as in “labor organization” – organ? Why do we call Congress a “legislative body”? Why is the root of the word “corporation” corpus, meaning body?
Governments, unions, and businesses do not have real, tangible, physical bodies which can be destroyed like ours can; they have the potential to exist indefinitely. Indeed, President Reagan was not far from the truth when he said, “…a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we’ll ever see on this earth”.
So when did these ghosts – the State, the labor union, and the corporation – steal from us our corporeity; our “bodiliness”; our attribute of being regarded by the law as possessing a body? In the late 19th century, when a former railroad industry robber-baron became a court reporter and injected his own opinion into a U.S. Supreme Court decision about a railroad company, thereby establishing the legal precedent of “corporate personhood”? Hardly!

The U.S. Constitution is not a legal document outlining how we should be governed as much as it is a contract by the states to cede powers to the federal government in exchange for monetary subsidies, and to promise to share in the payment of the debt which the federal government and military acquired from the British, who funded both sides of the Revolutionary War. This promise was made in secret by the founding fathers on behalf of the residents of the colonies who were never given any opportunity to decide whether to support the new American government.
As a side-note, let us not forget that it is the loser of the war that pays war debts; and let us ask whether the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 were truly wars between the British and their colonies, or whether they were nothing more than violent civil wars and trade skirmishes which were fought over debt obligations and the legal statuses of citizens, and only brought to a resolution not because of a peace settlement, but because both parties settled financially?
Through the Constitution, the states gave the Congress the power to borrow money, and the Constitution provides that no law shall impair the obligation of contracts (financial obligations and trusts not excepted). This agreement by the states to share in the repayment of federal debt was – in truth – a mutual trust, which established the states as financial corporate subsidiaries of the corporate federal government. The United States is, effectively, a plantation; a “tax farm”.
I’d like to pause for a moment to caution my audience; let it never be said that no self-described libertarian has ever criticized the Constitution or its framers. Indeed, so long as one takes a close, honest look at the wording of that document – and probes the true legal meaning of each important word – there is a thin and blurry line between a libertarian who strongly supports the Constitution and a libertarian who strongly opposes the Constitution.

But I digress; the reason the 14th Amendment uses the word “citizen” and the word “person” – rather than using either word twice – is because these words have different meanings. In truth, the 14th Amendment created two separate and legally-distinct classes of people.
A “person” is a natural, flesh-and-blood human being who has a real body, capital-C Citizenship, and individual sovereign power within the independent common-law state in which he resides. A small-c “citizen” is a “naturalizedartificial corporate person, who has a piece of paper with his all-capitalized name on it in a file drawer in the office of a government bureau, privileges and immunities (although no rights or protections), and an obligation to pay the debts contracted by the federal government on his behalf.
Every state in this union is a sovereign and independent country in and of itself, and legal documents spanning from 1778 to just three years ago will confirm that. The Constitution only authorizes the federal government to have jurisdiction over the District of Columbia and over the lands it has purchased, and the U.S. Supreme Court has confirmed that the federal government has jurisdiction over lands it has conquered.
Therefore, if the federal government has jurisdiction over a state, it is either because it has purchased or conquered that state, or because that state has allowed itself to be purchased or conquered. Likewise, if the federal government has jurisdiction over you, it is either because it has purchased or conquered you, or because you have allowed yourself to be purchased or conquered by it.
Unless and until you and I and the states resist and re-assert our sovereign powers, rights, and protections, our corporate federal government literally owns the states within this Union, along with all the businesses, tangible and intellectual property, and human beings which exist within them.

This is what I meant when I brought up the birth certificate; the “registration of birth”. Because we are required to register our cars, the government can repossess them if it doesn’t like the way we are using them. Just as our parents registered our birth ­– us, for all intents and purposes – the government can repossess us if it doesn’t like the way our parents are using their freedom to raise us as they see fit.
Just as we are required to take out insurance policies on our cars, all of us – purportedly – are now required to purchase health insurance policies. But we can choose whether to buy a car; we cannot choose whether to own our own bodies. Our cars – like our bodies – are the property of the government, and, therefore, can be regulated like (so-called) property.
There is virtually no private property – and no private sector – left in this country. All is subject to government regulation; anything you think you own – your body, your car, your house, your business – you merely rent, use, possess, or occupy temporarily.
All goods and services are deemed to be subject to the whims of the public-sector government, and able to be repossessed by it via eminent domain, and sold off – privatized – to some other temporary user. But although privatization is a province of government; it just may be the closest thing to real private property which still exists, at least in regards to anything worth owning.
You may think you own your business, but through charter it becomes the property of the State, which will take from you and your business in property taxes, personal income taxes, and corporate income taxes however much it pleases. You may think you own your car, but you are required to have a license, registration, and insurance if you don’t want the government to repossess it.
You may think you own your body, but take a look at your birth certificate. Your name is capitalized; this capitalization makes you an artificial person, a legal fiction; a naturalized corporate citizen with no legal rights or protections, but only the privileges and immunities conferred upon you by the federal government.
You are not a name on a piece of paper in a file drawer in a government bureau in the nation’s capital; you are a soul who possesses a body; an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and sovereign power equal to the federal government to affect the laws of the states.
Although you never signed your birth certificate – consenting to be identified as your all-capitalized name – you did sign your driver’s license. Although you may not believe you consented to be a federal citizen, you did check-in the box on your census form identifying yourself as such. Perhaps this decennial census is an opportunity to end your citizenship in the United States Government.
If our natural Right of Expatriation is the right to withdraw our federal citizenship provided that we have some other free state to go to – and if each state has been described in government documents as free, sovereign, and independent – then why do the states not issue passports, or contain consulates or diplomatic offices to facilitate communication with the federal government, which only wields exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia and its overseas dependencies?
What are the implications on the “consent of the governed” asserted by the Declaration of Independence if we cannot choose to be subject to only our states, much less choose to opt-out of all forms of territorially-monopolistic governance altogether? The implication is that the existence of a right cannot be confirmed by some scribbles on a piece of parchment paper; the existence of a right can only be confirmed by our ability to exercise the right.

The budget of the federal government is eighty times larger than the budgets of the governments within the average given state. Congress has now committed to spend some $160 trillion in unfunded liabilities; nearly ten times greater than the amount of wealth produced in the country in a single year, and ten percent greater than the amount of wealth produced on the planet in a year. These figures are set to double every three-and-a-half years.
Despite these facts – and despite the fact that we become second-class citizens when we cede our authority to the federal government (whereby – in the process – we agree to help the government pay for such extravagant, irresponsible spending) – there exist huge portions of supporters of both major political parties which emphasize a greater role for the federal government in our everyday lives.
Why should we accept this? Why should we accept the federal government’s supremacy in creating policy, overriding the decisions made in the states and in the county and municipal governments? Why shouldn’t we argue for a greater role for the states and the local governments in creating policy, and for providing public goods and public services?
Why should we agree to maintain the federal government’s monopoly power? Why should the more local governments not compete against the government to put forth better policies and to provide better public services, thereby undermining the federal monopoly power to do these things?

Why should we count on the federal government – rather than the more local governments – to defend us from the power of the states? Are we to continue to pretend that the federal government knows better than the states what their residents want, and that the states know better than the communities what their residents want?
This is the principle of subsidiarity; the principle that decision-making authority should be as close to the people it affects (as would be effective, efficient, and responsible). It is the principle of subsidiarity which is the reason for the 10th Amendment (the states’ rights amendment), and for the institution of dual federalism (the idea that the states have supreme power in certain policy areas, while the federal government has power only in areas which the states allow it).
But opponents of these principles are too apt to characterize states’ rights as permitting slavery, ignoring the facts that it would allow California, Colorado, and other states to legalize medicinal marijuana, as well as allow a third of the states to raise their standards on the fuel efficiency of vehicles.
Intrastate subsidiarity would go the additional mile by allowing towns in northern Wisconsin to raise their standards on water safety, and to protect themselves against decisions made in Madison to damage the health of the local and native populations with mining operations; as well as allow the communities actually affected by the Keystone pipeline to decide whether to permit its construction, rather than the federal government treating land in the Great Plains states as its own property.
For the states to stand up against the federal government by re-asserting their rights to enact laws and administer policy would compromise the federal government’s monopoly power to provide public goods and public services. State governments’ policies would – in essence – compete against the policies of the federal government, thus undermining its power. But to bring about a more perfect competition against government in general would require that additional steps be taken.

I don’t see this public-sector unions controversy as a question of whether Governor Walker or the Democrats have the interests of public employees at heart; I interpret it as an example of unwillingness by both sides of the aisle to take steps towards diminishing the power of government and its bureaucracies to compel us – the taxpayers – to pay for them to provide us with those goods and services which are typically thought of as public.
While opponents of Governor Walker are apt – and correct – to criticize the government when it increases the power of businesses (leading to unchecked corporate and P.A.C. influence on elections, business monopolies and oligopolies, privatization schemes, and government sponsorship of enterprises); they are not willing to admit that “corporate greed” – which is nothing more than business executives trying to return wealth to their investors through profit – is not the source of the problem.
The problem is that we have a government which is powerful and large enough to give those privileges to businesses at the expense of the taxpayers. The desire of private persons to obtain and increase their own wealth has existed since the dawn of time, and will never cease to exist, no matter how hard we may try to regulate that desire away.
But when we give our government the power to give special rights to certain businesses, and to award contracts to provide public goods and services to certain businesses, we are giving a signal to the market that the government will compel people to use their services and buy their goods.
This is why force and compulsion are antithetical to the freedom of the marketplace, and why competition is antithetical to monopoly and oligopoly. It is forceful government violence corrupting peaceful market freedom; the ancient struggle of brute force playing itself out in the market.
Contrary to what those who support central economic planning may tell you, competition does not inevitably lead to monopoly in a free market; competition only leads to monopoly when the government decides to establish special privileges for – and award contracts and charters to – the least ethical, most ruthless competitors.
Provide an avenue for smaller governments to engage in a more accepted and robust competition against centralized government power, and you will see domination of industries by a select few businesses become greatly diminished.
But aside from the monopoly powers of government and the monopoly powers of business, opponents of Governor Walker also tend to overlook the monopoly powers of unions, and even the corporate personhood which Citizens United granted to labor organizations in addition to corporations. Suffice it to say that the A.F.L.-C.I.O. has done little to inspire us to criticize the Citizens ruling.
Why should the status of “corporate person” not be denied to both businesses and unions in the interest of fairness? Why should the labor movement – large segments of which evidently fashion themselves revolutionary and anti-monopoly – actively promote the ability of certain unions to exclusively represent workers in negotiations with management, protected by compulsory governments wielding territorial monopolies on the legitimate use of violence, no less?

Practically gone are the days of minority-unionism and wildcat strikes which were once the tactically-pure principles of the labor movement, uncorrupted by the desire of institutionalization and privilege conferred by coercive monopoly government.
This conflict was the reason for the 1924 split in the Industrial Workers of the World; between those who sought political privilege for unions; and those who sought to refrain from using violent government power to compel others to accede to their demands, but instead to make employers and the public aware of and sympathetic to their concerns, and to spread information about the plight of the working man through peaceful discourse and convincing rhetoric.
But the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt effectively ended this dispute among the labor movement at large; in 1935, his National Labor Relations Act outlawed wildcat strikes, gave a single federal agency – the N.L.R.B. – the sole power to permit or deny the permission of unionized workers to strike.
Certainly we can agree that when workers with more modest demands form their own rival union to compete with the established union in their workplace, this can undermine worker solidarity within that workplace. But when a more radical, idealistic, and extreme segment of employees feel that the established union is being too modest, and call for a wildcat strike, the established union can bring charges against the more extreme workers, sacrificing their just demands in the name of getting things done.

Thus, we see the established unions undercutting the efforts of both the more modest and the more extreme workers, each group of which assuming the risks and responsibilities associated with their own actions. It becomes evident that – primarily – the established unions seek not solidarity, but rather the institutionalization of their exclusive power to negotiate on the behalves of workers; their own monopoly power of representation within each unionized workplace.
To this day, the Industrial Workers of the World promotes minority unionism, and even goes so far as to recommend that non-unionized workers engage in solidarity unionism tactics, rather than to pursue “the legalistic strategies that have led us to the current mess”.
Indeed, perhaps the I.W.W.’s humble anarchism explains why it claims just one nine-hundredth as many members as the A.F.L.-C.I.O., one-tenth of whose members are in the business of providing public services, and another tenth of whose members are in the automobile industries, companies and unions in which were bailed out under Bush and Obama.

But this is all in regards to collective bargaining in the private sector. What of public-sector collective bargaining, and the effects of Governor Walker’s budget-repair bill on the power of unions?
Being that the public-sector workers who struck a year ago were government employees, the fact that they strengthened their appeals to and rapport with the party more inclined to support them was to be expected. However, it was not well-advised.
I submit that if the Republicans’ assault on their alleged rights was so egregious, then they should have used the opportunity which this crisis presented to show their independence rather than their dependence, thus proving that they are as powerful – if not more so – than the government, and that their right to demand the moneyed property of the people through the threat of force exists regardless of the opinion of whomever happens to be the current governor.
They should have gone into competition with the government; they should have shown that they provide public services so efficiently, effectively, and responsibly that any rational person would choose to use their services rather than those which would still be provided by the government.
Why didn’t public employees show their strength and their independence by competing against the government, thus proving their worth? Maybe they know something we don’t know.
But perhaps a more important question is: why didn’t public employees show their strength and their independence by marching to the door of each taxpayer in Wisconsin, and threatening imprisonment unless we surrender the funds necessary to provide for their benefits? Maybe they lack sufficient firepower, the willingness to use it, or both.
But maybe the most important question is: why in this time of reckless government spending and unprecedented State violence and intrusion into our daily lives are individuals who supposedly value their privacy and their individual rights begging the government to stay the same size, and maintain or increase the privileges of its employees? And how does the situation in Wisconsin relate to the situation of the country as a whole?

The actions of the Obama Administration have shown its reluctance to cut taxes, spending, government services, and the size of the federal payroll; and it appears unwilling to allow private enterprise and the governments of the states to compete against it to provide public services.
The current administration has even gone so far as to reduce tax breaks for charitable contributions, which I interpret as an assertion that the government is more moral than are the people, and that it has the right to take from anyone who would attempt to bypass its inflation taxes and the overhead fees of its corrupt bureaucracies in using their liberty to help others.
I believe that the state and local governments, the private sector (especially small and local business entrepreneurs), and fledgling labor unions pose some of the most significant threats to the perception that the federal government, government-sponsored enterprises, and unions with government privilege are the most legitimate, moral, efficient, and qualified to provide goods and services to the public; and – as such – experimentation regarding their role competing against the federal government to do so should be encouraged.
We have arrived at a point in the history of American political economy when the majority of leftists have deviated from their social-anarchist roots and acceded to the power of the established centralized, federal social democracy, rejecting both the free-market principle of competitive capital and the anarcho-syndicalist principle of competitive labor.

But the problem of competing against monopoly government – specifically, centralized monopoly government – remains to be addressed in our public discourse; in this case, the monopoly power that Governor Walker and the Republicans currently have the potential to wield over regulating the benefits and negotiation privileges of government employees providing public services.
Make no mistake; the Democrats constitute no real challenge to the current Republican power monopoly. In fact, most if not all Democrats actually desire to entrench the government monopoly; specifically, through increased taxation which would provide for the expansion of government cooperation with both established unions and established capital. We would be hard-pressed to find a single Democrat in power who consistently votes to encourage competition against the established oligopolies of both labor and capital.

So replace Governor Walker with a Democrat if you must. Replace him with a big-government, pro-gun-control Democrat who wants to chip away – even further than the Republicans do – at your right to defend yourself against those who would seek to threaten violence against you for rightfully asserting that you never knowingly entered into a contract promising to give them as much blood and money as they require for the rest of your life.
Or – instead – we can bring charges against our state governments, compelling them to decide whether the Statutes of Frauds violates the secret-ballot provisions in the state constitutions, or whether the secret-ballot by its very design flies in the face of basic principles of the Anglo-American common contract law; essentially, getting the states to declare whether their authority comes from us voluntarily giving up the right to make some of our decisions, or else admit that their powers are only based on domination, control, and violence.
Instead, we can abandon these spectres of secret, coercive, monopolistic government, capital, and labor; and provide public goods and services through gift-giving, bartering, trading, and sharing; through philanthropy by private citizens to charity and religious organizations; through the efforts of small and local private businesses seeking to undermine the strength of the established multinational corporations and state-sponsored enterprises; through consumer- and citizen- advocacy agencies; through open and legitimate municipal, county, and state governments; and through direct-action general and work-to-rules strikes, picketing, boycotts, and confrontation of management by freely associating and disassociating segments of mutually sympathetic workers; lest we consign ourselves to manipulation by big-labor leaders, corporate lobbyists and attorneys, and corrupt, well-paid career politicians in the national government who until this very moment have used us as pawns to entrench their own wealth and power.

Instead we can revive the principle enshrined in the 10th Amendment – that the powers not delegated to the federal government are reserved to the states and to the people – ushering-in a new era, wherein the federal government’s grip on our everyday affairs is greatly loosened, permitting us to engage in political experimentation which exalts participatory and direct democracy and local governance over representative democracy and centralized governance, for only then may we learn to tolerate a diversity of opinion and of administration of best practices, and come to discern for our own subjective purposes – of ourselves and our communities – which combination of practices suits us best.
Let us take the crisis which Governor Walker has created by cutting government funding to public services as an opportunity to let volunteers fill the void; to educate our youth, to care for our sick and vulnerable, to build our roads, to provide us clean water, to put out fires, to keep our streets safe, and to protect and defend our businesses, our property, and ourselves.
Let us require no teacher, health worker, police officer, or fireman to worry about his pay and benefits while toiling under the reign of a politician who doesn’t represent his political and economic interests. Let those who provide public goods and services – Republican or Democrat, libertarian or socialist – work to provide them in the way they see fit.
Let us do away with the notion that the best way to care for the less fortunate and underprivileged – and to provide for the average person’s everyday needs – is to force us to pay taxes; funnel them through corrupt, wasteful, bureaucratic middlemen; devalue that money through inflation brought about by our usurous national centralized Federal Reserve Bank; and require us at the threat of fines and imprisonment to purchase the products and services of unethical companies who have successfully curried the favor of our politicians.
Let us do whatever is in our power to cease associating ourselves with the world’s largest and wealthiest criminal gang which calls itself the United States Government. Let us use our inalienable rights and our common-law sovereign powers within our states to affect an even greater protection of the freedoms of speech, press, and peaceful assembly – and the rights of the accused and of self-defense – than our federal government now seems willing to provide us.
Let us begin to view the debts it has contracted under our names and the taxes it has extracted from us as evidence that they have committed crimes against us. Let us assume the responsibility to bring charges and punishment against those who would provide aid, comfort, or material support to our treasonous, alien enemy the State.
Let us pay to one another the criminal restitutions which the government owes to all of us, without worry that these government thugs will resurface and force us to give them a cut of every transaction in which we may take part in our quest to provide each other with the means to subsist.
Let us abolish this conception of the State as having a “monopoly on the legitimate use of violence” which President Obama has endorsed, proclaim that no violence is legitimate, and bring about truly free association; with voluntary unionization, voluntary interaction with businesses, and voluntary government.
Achieve these goals, and you will have total liberty and equality of opportunity, without sacrificing a financially secure outcome for those who provide us safety, peace, and prosperity.

Please vote for me – independent candidate Joe Kopsick, the candidate of liberty, sovereignty, independence, and social liberalism – in the election to the U.S. House of Representatives from Wisconsin’s 2nd Congressional District on November 6th, 2012.

Thank you.



For more entries on elections and campaign finance, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/why-voting-is-not-necessarily-evil.html

For more entries on government secrecy and N.S.A. surveillance, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/criticism-of-secret-ballot-voting-system.html

For more entries on theory of government, please visit:


Links to Documentaries About Covid-19, Vaccine Hesitancy, A.Z.T., and Terrain Theory vs. Germ Theory

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