Wednesday, February 3, 2021

Links to Membership Lists of Ideological Factions within the Two Major Parties in the U.S. House of Representatives

     The following list consists of links to the membership lists of the formal and informal ideological C.M.O.s (Congressional Member Organizations) in the United States House of Representatives. Some of the links below lead to information on how to contact these representatives.
     U.S. Senators may be listed as well. Readers should keep in mind that the Senate and House have their own separate organizations to represent these ideological factions. For example, a Republican U.S. Senator cannot become a member of the House Freedom Caucus because its membership is only for U.S. Representatives in the lower house.

     I would like readers to take note of the following two facts, which the below information makes clear:

     1) Not all so-called "Tea Party politicians" are (or were) formal members of the Tea Party Caucus in the House;

     2) The Tea Party Caucus appears to be defunct, so it's possible that it has no members anymore;

     3) The Republican Party only has two formal ideological C.M.O.s;

     4) The "Justice Democrats" is not a formal ideological C.M.O. in the House of Representatives, nor are the Democratic Socialists of America (D.S.A.); and

     5) The Populist Caucus of the Democratic Party, the Main Street Caucus, and the Republican Liberty Caucus, no longer exist.


     It's also important to notice how much influence the Ripon Society has within the Republican Party, despite the fact that it is not a formal caucus. The Ripon Society's centrist stance is arguably more liberal-friendly and libertarian than most of the Republican Party's membership, but it should still concern us that this public policy organization has a congressional advisory board that is made up of one-third of the set of currently serving Republican U.S. Representatives (about 70 out of 211).
     It should concern us because these 70 House members are working on the interest of the Ripon Society as an interest group, without the group being officially recognized as the ideological faction within the Republican House membership that it is.

     Readers should also note that some caucuses, such as the Tea Party Caucus, are (or were) open to members of both parties.
     Also, there are many caucuses in the U.S. House of Representatives which are non-ideological, that are not included below. Additionally, some House caucuses could be argued to be ideological, but were not included here because their ideological bent or angle is not immediately obvious.
     Lists of caucuses in the U.S. House of Representatives are available at the links immediately below:
     
http://ballotpedia.org/List_of_caucuses_in_the_United_States_Congress
     
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caucuses_of_the_United_States_Congress


     


REPUBLICAN GROUPS



House Republican Conference
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_Republican_Conference



Formal Republican Party Factions/Caucuses

Republican Study Committee
     http://rsc-banks.house.gov/about/membership

House Freedom Caucus
     http://ballotpedia.org/House_Freedom_Caucus




Republican Ideological Factions Which Are Not Formal U.S. House Caucuses, But Are Similar Enough to Caucuses to Mention


Tea Party Caucus
     (Effectively defunct, although several current U.S. House members were Tea Party Caucus members recently)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tea_Party_Caucus

Tea Party politicians
     (includes list of House members, although not all are formal members of the House Tea Party Caucus)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_politicians_affiliated_with_the_Tea_Party_movement


Main Street Partnership
     (the Main Street Caucus was dissolved in 2019, although many current U.S. House members were Main Street Caucus members until that occurred just two years ago)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Main_Street_Partnership
     http://www.republicanmainstreet.org/members
     http://www.npr.org/2019/08/23/753404051/meltdown-on-main-street-inside-the-breakdown-of-the-gops-moderate-wing


Ripon Society
     (public policy organization with a congressional advisory board)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ripon_Society


Tuesday Group / Republican Governance Group
     (informal caucus)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuesday_Group


Liberty Caucus
     (Effectively defunct. There are current House members who still serve and were recently members, and they may still be members. It's unknown whether the group still has meetings or elects leaders.)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberty_Caucus

Republican Liberty Caucus
     (political action organization that endorses; affiliated with the non-profit 501(c)4 organization The Liberty Committee)

     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republican_Liberty_Caucus
     List of former members: http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/The_Liberty_Committee








DEMOCRATIC GROUPS


House Democratic Caucus
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_Democratic_Caucus



Formal Democratic Party Factions/Caucuses

Blue Dog Coalition
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blue_Dog_Coalition

New Democrat Coalition
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Democrat_Coalition


Blue Collar Caucus
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blue_Collar_Caucus

Congressional Progressive Caucus
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congressional_Progressive_Caucus




Democratic Ideological Factions 
Which Are Not Formal U.S. House Caucuses, But Are Similar Enough to Caucuses to Mention

Democratic Socialists of America
     (non-profit organization that endorses)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Socialists_of_America

Populist Caucus
     (Effectively defunct. There are current House members who still serve and were recently members, and they may still be members. It's unknown whether the group still has meetings or elects leaders.)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Populist_Caucus

Justice Democrats
     (progressive PAC that endorses)
     http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Justice_Democrats

Democratic Freedom Caucus
     (small caucus, no current U.S. Representatives are members)
     http://www.democraticfreedomcaucus.org/




Written, compiled, and published on February 3rd, 2021

Sunday, January 31, 2021

Half of the Federal Laws Do Not Apply to All Americans: Explaining Positive vs. Non-Positive Law

Table of Contents


Part I: The Ninth and Tenth Amendments, and Dual Federalism

Part II: Positive Law vs. Non-Positive Law

Part III: Additional Resources







Content




Part I: The Ninth and Tenth Amendments, and Dual Federalism


     It would seem absurd, at first, to suggest that about half of the federal laws do not apply to all Americans. But considering the text of the Tenth Amendment, it should come as no surprise.

     Amendment X to the Constitution for the United States reads, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”


     Many Democrats, and people on the left, will argue this is a “states' rights” perspective - and that this perspective is outdated, useless, and not favored by the current Democratic administration- and use this line of reasoning to conclude that Congress and the national government must reign supreme over nearly every issue. This argument is incorrect, however, and the Tenth Amendment remains the law.

     Furthermore, this is not necessarily a “states' rights” perspective, or at least it is not solely a “states' rights” perspective. The Tenth Amendment guarantees that powers are reserved to the states “or to the people”. “States' righters” and populists both benefit from the Tenth Amendment.

     This populist view is perfectly valid in and of itself, as well, since the Ninth Amendment appears to suggest that our rights don't come from the Constitution, and don't even come from the law. The Ninth Amendment reads, “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.”

     Basically, the fact that not every right is listed in the Constitution, doesn't necessarily mean that that right doesn't exist. Your rights are so numerous that the Constitution couldn't possibly name all of them.

     The Ninth Amendment also suggests that the people's freedoms supersede the needs of our states, if the people wish to refrain from making state-level statutes on all possible policy issues. If our rights don't come from the Constitution, nor from the law, then doesn't our right to thrive necessitate that we have a trade or engage in some sort of work?

     If the state licenses every profession, then those of us who wish to distance ourselves from the state, or boycott it, are reduced to hunting, foraging, and fishing in order to survive. We can survive, but not thrive, if every single profession is regulated by a state-level professional regulation. That is why it is necessary to nullify the states', and the federal governments', supposed authorities to regulate our lives and the way we make a living.


     This is why it is necessary to discuss the Tenth Amendment. I'm not the person who decided to start calling that “the states' rights amendment”, and I wish that it had never been called that. Before and during the Civil War, the State of Wisconsin, and other abolitionists, cited the Tenth Amendment, Jeffersonian nullification, and jury nullification, to oppose the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act. The Tenth Amendment can be used as a tool of states to enforce their order, and it can be used to free large numbers of people from slavery and from control of the federal government at the same time.

     The Tenth Amendment was added to the Constitution specifically to prevent the federal government's size and scope from expanding too much. Critics of the amendment may argue that limiting the federal government's power breeds corruption, but term limits are a form of limitations upon government, and many opponents of the Tenth Amendment agree with term limits.

     Limited government, and the Tenth Amendment, are useful, because they help separate national affairs from state and local affairs, and separate national affairs from the people's own business. At least that is what the Tenth Amendment was intended to achieve.


     The concept of dual federalism is that, as it pertains to regulation, the spheres of influence over certain policy topics are split between the federal government and the states. The federal government's powers are specifically enumerated in Articles I through III of the U.S. Constitution – with Congress's powers listed in Article I – while all those powers not mentioned therein, are reserved to the states or to the people.

     Ignorance of the contents of Article I Section 8 – the "Enumerated Powers"; that is, the specifically authorized powers of Congress – has led us to believe that Congress has powers that it simply does not have. These include the supposed powers to regulate the following policy topics at a national level:


- health / Medicare & Medicaid
- energy
- the environment (E.P.A.)
- retirement / Social Security
- welfare
- child support
- federal income taxes
- housing and urban development
- banking (aside from bankruptcies)
- immigration (aside from establishing a uniform rule of naturalization)
- building interstate highways
- building Post Offices
- management of lands outside the District of Columbia
- protecting patents whose durations are routinely increased
- the wages and union negotiations of people not employed by the federal government


     None of these things are authorized by the Constitution, if you read Clauses 1 through 17 of Article I Section 8 as what it is, a list of all powers which have been specifically granted to Congress.



     The following list is a summary of the powers which Congress has:


 - the power to regulate the military
- the power to coin money and regulate its value
- the power to establish post roads
- the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization
- the power to lay and collect taxes (within certain limits) and borrow money
- the power to regulate interstate commerce with foreign nations, among the states, and with the tribes
- the power to establish tribunals and courts
- the power to protect patents for a limited time
- the power to punish piracy and felonies committed on the high seas
- authority over lands purchased by the government (mostly for reasons essential to national defense)


     This is not an exhaustive list. Please see the original text of Article I Section 8 for the full list of Congress's powers.

     The president and the Supreme Court also have their own powers which I have not mentioned here.


     When the Tenth Amendment says all powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution are reserved to the states or the people, it means that all powers not specifically mentioned in Article I (Legislative Branch), Article II (Executive Branch) and Article III (Judicial Branch) are just that: reserved to the states or to the people.

     This means that the first list that you see above, is a list of policy topics, and problems, which are supposed to be regulated, and solved, by the people or their state governments; not the federal government. Also, it means that the second list consists of what the federal government is allowed to do and the states are not allowed to do (except for the power to lay and collect taxes, which both are allowed to do).

     What this all means is that, whenever the federal government is attempting to enforce a law on health, environment, education, retirement, welfare, etc., it is actually breaking the law (the law I'm referring to, being, of course, the Constitution, and specifically Amendment X). The federal government is in violation of the Tenth Amendment – which is both a law and a limitation upon the federal government's ability to create law – whenever it tries to enforce acts of Congress which pertain to that first list of policy topics.


     But the point of this article is not to focus primarily on the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, nor on the delineation that is supposed to exist between the national government and our state governments. I have included this information only for its use as a review of the background for the point of view that approximately half of federal laws are not binding upon all Americans.

     It is necessary to review the Ninth and Tenth Amendment – and dual federalism, and how they limit Congress and the rest of the national government – to illuminate us as to why this radical view should be acceptable in the first place.


     It is one thing to assert that the Ninth Amendment, the Tenth Amendment, and dual federalism still hold meaning and value in today's society; in 2021, nearly 250 years after the Constitution was ratified. But it is another thing to prove that these laws on health, environment, welfare, and retirement were never constitutional, and never binding law upon all Americans, in the first place.

     But we can prove that that is the case, through the study of the difference between positive law and non-positive law; and then, by understanding which sections of U.S. Code are positive law, and which sections are non-positive law.



Part II: Positive Law vs. Non-Positive Law


     Positive law is called positive law because it posits something. That is, it takes a position that somebody is obligated to perform a positive action. Positive law is law that obligates people to do something.

     Positive law is binding upon all Americans, and the set of sections of U.S. Code which are positive law, include those which outline how the military is supposed to behave, and how the flag is supposed to look, and other things related to basic official duties of the government, as a government.

     Non-positive law, on the other hand, is law which does not obligate people to do anything, unless they are part of a certain class of people. Unless you elect to engage in certain behaviors – such as committing federal crimes like piracy or treason, or earning income which is legally taxable by the federal government – then the law in question does not apply to you.

     If you belong to a federally protected group of people, or a certain class of people which is obviously under the national government's regulatory purview and protection (such as the military, and all federal workers), then sections of the U.S. Code which are non-positive law, may apply to you.


     The reason why all American workers didn't get their wages increased to $10.10 an hour, after President Obama appeared to call for that, is because the federal government can't raise the wages of people it doesn't employ, except for those employees whom are covered under the federal government's minimum wage law protections as outlined in the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (F.L.S.A.).
     State governments decide whether state employees get raises, and private entities decide whether their employees get raises. Additionally, state governments are free to set their minimum wage rates higher or lower than the federal government's, and this is completely legal and constitutional.

     A new federal minimum wage raise has been projected to affect only 0.2% of non-tipped workers, which is less than 1 in 500 workers considering that tipped workers exist as well. So why, if far less than one percent of American workers will be affected, are people jumping up and down at the thought that they're going to get a raise?
     Could it be because they're reading articles such as the one below? Author David Cooper claims that raising the federal minimum wage to $15 by 2025 would "lift wages for 33 million workers". That is probably true; if the federal minimum wage were to apply to all American workers, which it doesn't. Mr. Cooper evidently made his projection based solely on mathematics and his own hopes, without allowing the issue of which workers the federal minimum wage pertains to, to enter into the equation.
     
http://www.epi.org/publication/minimum-wage-15-by-2025/
     The Wikipedia entry for "Minimum wage in the United States" says, "Employers generally have to pay workers the highest minimum wage prescribed by federal, state or local laws." However, that sentence does not have its own source. Furthermore, not only are states free to set lower minimum wages than the federal government's minimum wage; two states are still doing it (Georgia and Wyoming). Additionally, five states have not even adopted a state minimum wage: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Tennessee.

     This is happening because not all American workers are subject to the wage protections to which the federal minimum wage laws pertain. Only the lowest-paid federal workers, and the lowest paid workers covered under the F.L.S.A. will see their wages increase, if the federal minimum wage increases.

     Read this table about minimum wage laws in the United States. Under "jurisdiction", next to "federal", you will see that it says "Fair Labor Standards Act". This is because only the workers covered under the Fair Labor Standards Act are the ones who are subject to the federal minimum wage law protections.
     
http://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/state/minimum-wage/tipped

     When Obama called for a $10.10 minimum wage, he was referring to the Minimum Wage Fairness Act, which Tom Harkin proposed and co-sponsored in 2013. Harkin was the sole co-sponsor, so it's likely that Obama's support - and maybe even Harkin's as well - were intended solely as symbolic moves. The Minimum Wage Fairness Act never passed. The current federal minimum wage is $7.25, the same as it has been since July 2009 (Obama's first year in office). Obama subsequently supported an increase of the federal wage to $9 per hour.
     The Minimum Wage Fairness Act would have amended the 1938 F.L.S.A. if it had been passed and signed into law. The entry for the Minimum Wage Fairness Act on www.congress.gov is available at the following link:
     http://www.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/senate-bill/1737

     The article "Who is Covered by the Fair Labor Standards Act?" is available at the following link: http://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/employee-rights-book/chapter2-2.html#:~:text=Employers%20Who%20Are%20Covered,law%20covers%20nearly%20all%20workplaces.
     In that article, author Barbara Kate Repa explains that there are two classes of workers, as it pertains to the F.L.S.A.: 1) workers whom are exempt from the F.L.S.A.; and 2) workers whom are
not exempt from that law.
     Repa writes, "The FLSA applies only to employers whose annual sales total $500,000 or more or who are engaged in interstate commerce. You might think that this would restrict the FLSA to covering only employees in large companies, but in reality, the law covers nearly all workplaces. This is because the courts have interpreted the term interstate commerce very broadly"
     Repa's observation should come as no shock to anyone who has read my previous essays about the overly broad interpretation of the interstate commerce clause (which I have written about the most in reference to national health insurance policy). Repa continues: "courts have ruled that companies that regularly use the U.S. mail to send or receive letters to and from other states are engaged in interstate commerce. Even the fact that employees use company telephones or computers to place or accept interstate business calls or take orders has subjected an employer to the FLSA."
     Repa continues, "A few employers, including small farms--those that use relatively little outside paid labor--are explicitly exempt from the FLSA."
     The preceding facts should establish the following: 1) some employees are explicitly exempt from the F.L.S.A., and hence, the federal minimum wage protections; and 2) there are some employees who are currently being covered by the F.L.S.A. and its wage protections, who wouldn't be subject to those protections if the interstate commerce clause were not interpreted in the overly broad way that it is now.
     These facts affirm that it is only due to the misinterpretation of the Constitution that certain federal laws on domestic policies are thought, and are being held, to do things they are not explicitly authorized to do, and which they arguably never had the appropriately delegated authority to do in the first place.


     The preceding facts should make it clear that the claims that the federal minimum wage law still applies in these seven states, hinge on two flawed notions: 1) that all workers are covered by the federal law which outlines the federal minimum wage; and 2) that the federal government can make its own minimum wage laws applicable upon workers only tangentially engaged in interstate commerce (and not even physically) in states which are exercising their Tenth Amendment recognized authority to set wages as they please.
     The federal minimum wage law does not apply to all workers. Thinking that it does, lulls us into a false sense of security about our corrupt government. It only buys our corrupt government more credit, and a little more time to keep fooling around behind the scenes, before we realize it is not working in our interests.

     
The F.L.S.A. amended Section 29 of the U.S. Code, which pertains to "Labor". Section 29 is non-positive law. It only applies to certain groups of people, based on their industry, profession, location, or federally protected status. Just like the federal laws on hospitals (found in Section 24), environmental conservation (Section 16), agriculture (Section 7), education (Section 20), retirement (Section 42), and other titles of non-positive law which also "happen to be" topics that aren't specifically mentioned in Article I Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution.

     Our ignorance on the law has led us to assume that the federal government has powers that it simply doesn't have. We have allowed the federal government to promise to do things for us which it is incapable of doing, and which it is literally illegal for the federal government to do (because it's not explicitly authorized by the Constitution).

     This is happening because we don't understand the Constitution, and don't read it anymore; and because most of us have never heard of positive law and non-positive law.


     Acts of Congress are not automatically law just because they are passed by both houses. The president needs to sign it into law, or else Congress has to override the president with a supermajority. Additionally, the Supreme Court has to refrain from declaring it unconstitutional.

     But another step has to occur before that act of Congress can become part of the positive law. It has to be enacted.

     According to us.code.house.gov, every title in the U.S. Code, which is in a section of the code that is positive law, is a federal statute. Each one of those titles has been enacted, as a whole, by Congress, because, in a way, Congress regards it as complete. This is to say that a statutory text which appears in a positive law title, is regarded as having Congress's “authoritative imprimatur”(seal of approval) with respect to the wording of the statute.

     When Congress enacts positive law titles, the original enactments are repealed. One reason for this is that it is not necessary to include things like enabling clauses in the actual set of applicable laws; this would make the U.S. Code even longer than it already is.

     It is not the act of Congress which is being enforced; what is being enforced is a federal statute based on the original act of Congress that changed the law. Each new act of Congress which doesn't create a new section of federal statutes in the U.S. Code, must necessarily amend some certain previously existing section of the code. This means that turning a section of the code from non-positive law into positive law, is probably a very detailed and time-consuming process.

     It has been said about the U.S.A. P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act, that it is a law which it would take weeks and weeks to read, because you have to have the entire U.S. Code in front of you in order to understand it. The Patriot Act includes numerous references to very specific parts of the code, and details the changes which are to be made to that code.

     In July 2018, legal blogger Sam Wice explained positive vs. non-positive law for a blog called Notice & Comment, which is billed as “A blog from the Yale Journal on Regulation and ABA [American Bar Association] Section of Administration Law & Regulatory Practice.”. In his July 25th, 2018 article “When to Refer to the U.S. Code Versus the Underlying Statute”, Sam Wice wrote, “This year, the Office of the Law Revision Counsel has prepared for Congress a bill to enact Title 6 of the U.S. Code as positive law.”

     Well, what is Title 6 of the U.S. Code? That happens to be the section on “Domestic Security”! It seems clear, based on these facts, that the Patriot Act was a massive reorganization of domestic security laws, which paved the way for the transformation of Title 6 on Domestic Security from non-positive law into positive law.


     The following 26 sections of U.S. Code are positive law:


- Section 1. General Provisions
- Section 3. The President
- Section 4. Flag and Seal, Seat of Government, and the States
- Section 5. Government Organization and Employees (incl. Federal Advisory Committee Act)
- Section 9. Arbitration
- Section 11. Bankruptcy and Bankruptcy Rules
- Section 13. Census
- Section 14. Coast Guard
- Section 17. Copyrights
- Section 18. Crimes and Criminal Procedure, incl. Unlawful Possession or Receipt of Firearms
- Section 23. Highways
- Section 28. Judiciary and Judicial Procedure
- Section 31. Money and Finance
- Section 32. National Guard
- Section 35. Patents
- Section 36. Patriotic and National Observances
- Section 37. Pay and Allowances of the Uniformed Services
- Section 38. Veterans' Benefits
- Section 39. Postal Service
- Section 40. Public Buildings, Property, and Works
- Section 41. Public Contracts
- Section 44. Public Printing and Documents
- Section 46. Shipping
- Section 49. Transportation
- Section 51. National and Commercial Space Programs
- Section 54. National Park Service


     It is plain to see, from a comparison between this list, and the first list in this article (the list of powers specifically delegated to Congress), that the positive law titles consist of powers specifically authorized in Article I Section 8 (such as the various military powers, the monetary powers, copyrights, bankruptcy) and in the rest of the Constitution (such as the Census).

     The other topics mentioned, are there because they have been inferred as Congress's powers based on the Necessary and Proper Clause (such as the Postal Service section). Section 51 on National and Commercial Space Programs is probably justified based on the defense-related implications of the space program.

     This all seems to check out, with the exception of Highways and the National Park Service. Section 23 on Highways is likely justified based on the need to establish post roads, which arguably can be done without actually building those roads. The National Park Service is probably justified based on the need for the government to own lands essential to national defense.

     But aside from those two exceptions, it's easy to see how the vast majority of positive law titles derive from the set of powers specifically mentioned in Article I Section 8.


     It's also easy to see how the non-positive law titles do not derive from Article I Section 8, when you compare the names of the sections of non-positive titles of the U.S. Code against the first list in this article. When you compare it to the second list in this article - the list of policy topics which the federal government is not authorized to regulate, but does anyway as it pertains to certain classes of eligible people – it becomes apparent what is going on here.

     The federal government is attempting to enforce laws that were never authorized by the Constitution, and which the people don't want badly enough to bother enshrining it into the U.S. Code permanently (by either turning it from non-positive law into positive law, or passing a constitutional amendment which would authorize the Congress to have exclusive jurisdiction over a policy topic which the states previously had the authority to regulate).



     The following is a list of non-positive titles in the U.S. Code:

- Section 2. The Congress
- Section 6. Domestic Security
- Section 7. Agriculture
- Section 8. Aliens and Nationality
- Section 12. Banks and Banking
- Section 15. Commerce and Trade
- Section 16. Conservation
- Section 19. Customs Duties
- Section 20. Education
- Section 21. Food and Drugs
- Section 22. Foreign Relations and Intercourse
- Section 24. Hospitals and Asylums
- Section 25. Indians
- Section 26. Internal Revenue Code
- Section 27. Intoxicating Liquors
- Section 29. Labor
- Section 30. Mineral Lands and Mining
- Section 33. Navigation and Navigable Waters
- Section 34. Crime Control and Law Enforcement
- Section 42. The Public Health and Welfare (including Social Security, which includes child support titles)
- Section 43. Public Lands
- Section 45. Railroads
- Section 47. Telecommunications
- Section 48. Territories and Insular Possessions
- Section 50. War and National Defense
- Section 52. Voting and Elections


     [Note: There is not currently a Section 53 of the U.S. Code.]

     Given this list, it makes sense that non-positive laws only pertain to certain classes of people. Section 25 on Indians only pertains to Native Americans. Section 8 on Aliens and Nationality only pertains to immigrants. Section 2 on The Congress only pertains to the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate.

     It's easy to see how sections 7, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27, 30, 34, 45, 47, and 48 could pertain solely to certain classes of people and workers as well, and people in certain locations and industries. It's likely that a lot of the New Deal -era legislation ended up in Section 7 on Agriculture, Section 12 on Banks and Banking, Section 15 on Commerce and Trade.


     In all federal and state courts, positive law titles constitute legal evidence of the law. Non-positive law titles, on the other hand, have only “prima facie” evidence of existing. This is to say that the evidence only exists on the face of the law. These laws exist in name, or on paper, only. Prima facie evidence is evidence which would be sufficient to prove a particular proposition or fact, unless that evidence is rebutted.

     According to the U.S. Code website, “A non-positive law title of the Code is prima facie evidence of the statutes it contains”. This means that a non-positive law title of the U.S. Code is not exactly permanent and enacted law, but more accurately it is evidence of a law. On its face, it is evidence that a law has been passed; i.e., an act of Congress. But acts of Congress are sometimes declared unconstitutional. And just because an act of Congress hasn't been declared unconstitutional yet, that doesn't mean that it won't.

     Non-positive law titles are the law, but they are only the law until it is proven otherwise. Again, the Tenth Amendment is a law, but it is also a limitation upon the federal government's ability to create new laws. Proving that certain federal laws are unconstitutional, will prove that it was never legal for those to exist in the first place. Once an unconstitutional law is proven unconstitutional, it's as if it never existed in the first place. That's certainly how it feels when the Supreme Court declares a law unconstitutional. The people simply stop observing the law, and it ceases being enforced. Nobody has to suffer through that unpopular, unconstitutional law any more.

     The American people have every right to demand that all federal laws which are unconstitutional, be recognized as such by all courts from now on. And the American people have a right to fight to transformation of non-positive law into positive law, because that means making more laws obligatory upon all Americans, and it risks permanently expanding the size and scope of the national government.


     They have been passed by Congress, but they pertain to only a certain group of people, such as those who are specifically protected, or those who elect to be affiliated with the federal government for purposes outside those listed in Articles I through III.

     For all other people, the federal law should not apply. Yet here we are, still having income taxes levied against us, using currency that's backed by neither gold nor silver, and allowing the federal government to trample upon our states' authorities to regulate their own domestic affairs.

     In effect, federal laws on health, retirement, education, welfare, etc. are encroaching upon the limited sovereignty which the states are supposed to be exercising. The states are supposed to be sovereign in those policy spheres, while the federal government is sovereign on money, mail, military, and other things. The federal and state governments are supposed to be “co-equal sovereigns”. Yet they cannot be so, if the federal government is “stepping on the toes” of the state governments, and making it impossible for states to regulate their own domestic affairs without being pressured to accept federal funds and federal laws.

     These laws should therefore be considered null and void. They should be considered “waiting to be declared unconstitutional”. Not all Americans are obligated to obey federal laws pertaining to policy topics not specifically mentioned in the Constitution.


     Here are some more facts about what, specifically, it means, for something to be a non-positive titles of the U.S. Code:

     - Non-positive law titles of the Code are compilations of statutes.

     - The Supreme Court may deem – or has deemed  provisions of non-positive titles, to be inaccurate descriptions of the law (which is why the original enactments are repealed when non-positive law becomes positive law).

     - Non-positive law titles might not constitute legal evidence of the law in all federal and state courts, but only in some courts. If a court deems Congress's seal approval with respect to the wording of the statute in question, to be either nonsensical, unenforceable, or not authoritative, then that court should be able to declare that the prima facie evidence that the law exists, is not sufficient or important enough that it should be considered a law. [Note: This is basically a description of Jeffersonian nullification, the process by which a state nullifies a federal law.]

     - A non-positive title of the U.S. Code is comprised of many federal statutes, which have been enacted individually, and have been compiled and organized into the title.

     - A non-positive title of the U.S. Code has not yet been enacted.


     If a non-positive title of the U.S. Code hasn't been enacted yet, then it is not the law yet. Courts are still free to deem it as unconstitutional, and treat it as if it were not the law.


     The American people have every right to allow unconstitutional federal laws to lapse into non-enforcement and desuetude (i.e., obsolescence and “unenforceability”). Non-enforcement of these laws is more desirable then their continued enforcement, but repealing them is the best outcome.

    For those federal laws which are clearly unconstitutional, and are unquestionably still being enforced, whomever has standing to sue, should file a lawsuit, and resist the continued application of laws which vast swaths of the country have long considered to have never been authorized in the first place.

     Such lawsuits must occur before the federal government's defenders begin to argue that “these laws don't need to be repealed, because they aren't being enforced anymore, and therefore they don't affect us anymore”. That is not good enough for us, and it is not good enough for our children to turn the federal government into a mousetrap that snaps their neck in two the moment their parents die.

     We must treat unenforced laws as if they could come back at any moment. Just as we should remember that registration for the Selective Service has not ended, and that therefore the military draft could come back at any time.




Part III: Additional Resources



     Please see the following articles, which I wrote, to learn more about how I believe that Article I Section 8 of the Constitution should be interpreted, and other background information which will help explain why I think many federal laws do not apply to all Americans:

- "How to Easily and Permanently Memorize the Enumerated Powers of Congress" (February 2020)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2020/02/how-to-easily-and-permanently-memorize.html


- "What is Congress Allowed to Do and What is it Not Allowed to Do (Without an Amendment)?" (January 2021)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2021/01/what-is-congress-allowed-to-do-and-what.html

- “Letter to Political Science Professor David T. Canon on Constitutional Law” (January 2021)
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2021/01/letter-to-political-science-professor.html




     Please read the U.S. Code, and articles about it and positive and non-positive law, at the following links:


- http://www.yalejreg.com/nc/when-to-refer-to-the-u-s-code-versus-the-underlying-statute/

- uscode.house.gov

- http://libguides.stonehill.edu

-
http://libguides.stonehill.edu/c.php?g=16657&p=92624

-
http://uscode.house.gov/codification/legislation.shtml

-
http://uscode.house.gov/codification/term_positive_law.htm#:~:text=The%20bill%20repeals%20existing%20laws,Code%20are%20compilations%20of%20statutes.

-
http://cmlawlibraryblog.classcaster.net/2017/07/05/what-is-positive-law-and-why-should-you-care/

-
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desuetude

- Michael Badnarik's Constitution Class
     http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wp-48d_jSb4




Written on January 31st and February 1st, 2021

Edited and expanded on February 1st, 2021

Published on February 1st, 2021

Alan Dershowitz Cited Ethnicity to Defend His Opposition to Statutory Rape Laws

 


This opinion-editorial was written by Alan M. Dershowitz,
and published by the Los Angeles Times, in 1997.



     Dershowitz served as convicted child sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein's attorney at least twice before Epstein's reported death in 2019. Epstein's main accuser, Virginia Roberts Giuffre, claims that Alan Dershowitz flew on Epstein's plane "The Lolita Express" and had sex with minors.
     Dershowitz, who is married, maintains that he never took his pants off, and merely got a massage from an old Russian woman. Dershowitz maintains that he never had sex with any children, despite the fact that he has publicly gone on record as being against statutory rape laws.
     In the op-ed, Dershowitz says that he supports prohibitions on sex with very young children. After the op-ed was published, Dershowitz explained that he was making a constitutional argument, not a moral argument.

     However, that does not mean he is morally opposed to having sex with teenagers. In the article, he focuses on teenagers having sex with each other; probably to distract the reader from the fact that eliminating statutory rape laws, or lowering the legal age of consent, would result in adults having sex with teenagers.

     The one thing that Dershowitz and I agree on is that morality certainly doesn't enter into his argument. There are certainly arguments which can be made about statutory rape laws, which are both moral and constitutional. Dershowitz's argument is not one of them. It is odd for Dershowitz to claim that his argument is a constitutional one, when he doesn't even mention the Constitution a single time in the article.

     In my opinion, Dershowitz's goal, with this op-ed, is to use the "constitutional" (or legal) argument which could be made in favor of loosening or eliminating statutory rape laws, as a sort of Trojan Horse. His goal is to cloak the defense of teenagers having sex before they are old enough to consent, in a legal argument, and frame it as a constitutional argument.
     It is important to notice that the very title of the article is "Statutory Rape Is an Outdated Concept". If he were questioning the concept of statutory rape only in a legal sense but not in an ethical sense, then he would have titled the article "Statutory Rape Laws Are Flawed" or something to that effect. He is clearly questioning both the legal and ethical bases for statutory rape laws.
     Dershowitz writes that "It is obvious that there must be criminal sanctions against sex with very young children, but it is doubtful whether such sanctions should apply to teenagers above the age of puberty, since voluntary sex is so common in their age group." Dershowitz shows with this sentence that he is either unaware of the idea that teenagers are not old enough nor mature enough to consent to sex, or else he is simply opposed to the idea and wishes to give it no recognition in his article.

     Nothing in this op-ed suggests that Dershowitz is opposed to adults having sex with teenagers. He doesn't even mention it. It's as if he thinks he has no responsibility to, or that adults having sex with teenagers has nothing to do with the topic being discussed. It absolutely does.

     Even more shameful in all of this, is the fact that Dershowitz cited the fact that "puberty is apparently arriving earlier, particularly among certain ethnic groups". I do not know what Dershowitz is referring to, but an article published by WebMD in 2002 confirmed that African-American girls begin puberty before white girls. However, they only begin puberty an average of six months earlier. That is not even a full year, and thus is hardly a justification for lowering the age of consent.
     Considering this small difference, consider what it could mean that Dershowitz is citing ethnicity to justify eliminating statutory rape laws. The argument that "some ethnicities, like African-Americans, 'mature' earlier", is not very different from, and aligns perfectly with the way of thinking that informs the "black girls like wild sex" stereotype. Some African-American women have been exposed to violent sex, and heard their aggressors make the excuse that they had heard that black women liked wild sex. This stereotype is fed by the old idea that Africans are "wild", which is based on the idea that they're sub-human, and basically animals, and need to be controlled. The idea that black girls "mature earlier" is thus a medical fact, but not a noteworthy one considering the probability that the fact is only cited to justify raping African-American teenagers. It also potentially implies that black people immature, an idea which could be used to justify controlling them. And rape is a form of control.

     "If there's fluff on the muff, she's old enough" is not a medical saying. Nor is it a legal saying.
     If getting your period makes you a woman, and that makes it OK to have sex, then by that logic it's OK to have sex with young girls if they experience precocious puberty. Twelve and thirteen years old are not the youngest ages at which a female has experienced menarche (first menstruation). That age is four.
     There should not be a purely biological standard regarding when losing one's virginity is appropriate. Nor should that standard be dictated by "maturity", nor ability to earn money and have a career. There are plenty of talented children, child stars, and children capable of performing labor or investing in stocks. That does not make it OK for adults, or other children or teenagers, to have sex with them. That does not make it OK to marry children. Child molesters will tell teenagers and children that they are mature all day; they do this in order to justify treating them like adults.
     Age must be the standard; not biology, nor race, nor puberty, nor maturity, nor financial independence, nor work capability. If being at a "lowered capacity to consent" makes it OK for two drunk adults to have sex, then the same logic could be used to justify a retarded old man having sex with a little girl. Or getting drunk in order to be "on the same level as" a sober teenager.
     Age must be the standard. We must maintain the purpose of statutory rape laws, which is to place the obligation to prove the younger person's age, upon the older person, if and when there is any question about whether it was legal for the people in question to have sex, given their possible ages.

     We must maintain statutory rape laws and age of consent laws, and improve upon them, to prevent the federal government from unnecessarily and unconstitutionally intervening in child trafficking laws in a manner which causes the lower federal age of consent to trump the state's higher age of consent. (Note: You can learn more about this topic by researching the case of Esquivel-Quintana v. Sessions.)
     Laws against trafficking children out of state for sex, are useless, as long as the federal government has an age of consent of twelve, with a defense written into the law that basically instructs child molesters to argue that they reasonably thought that the victim was at least 16 years old.
     This country's child sexual abuse laws are a complete mess, and Dershowitz's arguments only help the types of attorneys and other people in the legal professions who would be in the position to read this article. Dershowitz's "op-ed" thus amounts to little more than advice to child molesters and wannabe child rapists - especially those in or connected to the legal professions - who want to use these twisted arguments, and the "black girls mature earlier" argument, to justify having sex with minors which is both illegal and wrong.
     I appreciate the fact that Alan Dershowitz defended Julian Assange on rape charges. I also appreciate that Assange's victim was represented and was able to file charges. Everyone has the right to a defense. But we should be concerned that Dershowitz is leveraging his reputation as the nation's best defender of the "duty of adequate representation" (the duty to adequately represent your client) in order to justify his continued defense of accused child rapists and Israeli spies.
     When you see a Jewish lawyer defend Israeli spy, after Israeli spy, accused of child sex trafficking after Israeli spy after rapist, and see him defend eliminating statutory rape laws in an article in the paper, maybe it's time to wonder whether he's a pedophile. The fact that Epstein's main accuser, Virginia Giuffre, alleges he's a pedophile, ought to suggest that anyone connected to Dershowitz, or anyone who's been following him since 1997, might have been watching him for advice on how to abuse children and get away with it.
     They can certainly go to the U.S. Code section on child sex crimes for similar advice.





Written and published on January 31st, 2021

Edited and Expanded on February 6th, 2021

Understanding Libertarian Pedophilia Scandals

     This pamphlet was created in March 2020. I delayed publishing it because I wanted to add Walter E. Block, and the red "pedophile" or "not a pedophile" boxes, which I have just added recently.

     I regret not publishing it sooner, but I did not do so out of a desire to keep these scandals a secret, nor a desire to leverage this information for personal benefit. I printed the almost-complete pamphlets and tried to hand them out at the 2020 Illinois Libertarian Party Convention, later on in the same month that I created them (March 2020).

     The only reason I delayed publication of this information, is because as soon as I had printed multiple copies of the pamphlet, I realized that I wanted to make changes, and I deemed it as not yet complete enough to publish on this blog.


     All references to "current" presidential candidates, refer to people who were still running for president in spring 2020. Arvin Vohra and Mark Whitney subsequently lost the nomination to Dr. Jo Jorgensen, and are not currently running for president as of the time of this publication (January 2021).

     For ease of reading, this works best as a pamphlet, so it might help to download these images, print them back-to-back, and fold the pamphlet, before you read it. Click on the following images, and open in new tabs or windows, and download the image files, in order to see them in full detail, and print in the greatest detail possible.


Outside of pamphlet (cover on the right, back on center, inside flap on left)





Inside of pamphlet



     Please read the following article to read about why I think Walter E. Block may be a pedophile. If Block got his way, and sex work were legal, and child labor laws were repealed, then legal sex work by children would be legal. Block has either failed to notice this, or desires this outcome.






Created in March 2020

Finished and published on January 31st, 2020

Updated on April 30th, 2021 and June 18th, 2021

Waukegan Mayor Sam Cunningham Normalized the Same Type of Political Violence He Claims to Oppose When it is Practiced by I.C.E. (800th Post!)

I. Introduction      The following speech is an address, regarding immigration, which I delivered to the Waukegan City Council on October 20...