Showing posts with label Anarcho-Capitalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anarcho-Capitalism. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 8, 2019

Sixty-Three Questions That Every Thinking Libertarian Should Be Able to Answer


Table of Contents


1. Foundational Questions
2. Questions About Self-Ownership and Property
3. Questions Related to Borders, Nationalism, and Defense
4. Questions About Taxes and Economic Issues
5. Questions About Partisan Politics and Authoritarian Ideologies
6. Questions About Social, Domestic, and Moral Issues




Content


1. Foundational Questions

Question #1. Would you describe your libertarian strain of thought as capitalist? Why or why not? Should libertarianism be associated with any particular economic system; for example, free markets, capitalism, or perhaps something else?

Question #2. How would your libertarian ideology deal with the need to preserve the rights of majorities and minorities alike? Is libertarian individualism compatible with democracy, multiculturalism, and collectivism, or not?

Question #3. Is socialism compatible with a free-market libertarian society? Can socialism be voluntary, and if so, how, or under what conditions?

Question #4. Is the Non-Aggression Principle (N.A.P.) sound? Libertarians tend to be against banning most things; is it enough to ban aggression, or is it necessary to ban things like domination, hierarchy, and exploitation as well?



2. Questions About Self-Ownership and Property

Question #5. Would it be accurate to say that “an individual human being owns oneself”? Would it be accurate to say that “an individual human being owns oneself as property?” Is it important to make such a distinction, and why or why not?

Question #6. Does the right to own property derive from the right to own yourself? If not, then where does the right to own property come from?

Question #7. How would you define private property? Is “private property” distinct from “personal possessions”, or not?

Question #8. Can private property be claimed without the assistance of some state or government? If so, then how? 

Question #9. What is your view on “landmine homesteading”, the process by which a person claims a plot of land by planting landmines around its perimeter? Is willingness to defend a property all it takes to justify claiming it as your own?

Question #10. What actions are necessary in order to justify owning property privately? Is the Lockean Proviso sound, or do you support Occupancy and Use Norms, or some other arrangement?

Question #11. Would it be desirable for private property to exist, even if it can exist without government? (Specifically, with respect to land, and the ownership of workplaces)

Question #12. Is "privatize everything" a helpful or hurtful slogan, in your opinion? Is there any resource which you feel should not be privatized (and if so what are they)?

Question #13. Should workers expect to be compensated with 100% of the value of the effort they contributed?

Question #14. Is work voluntary? And can employment for the benefit of another person be voluntary?

Question #15. Are hierarchy and exploitation inherently wrong, or inherently coercive in a way that violates the Non-Aggression Principle?

Question #16. What is your libertarian ideology's stance on labor unions and cooperative enterprises?

Question #17. Is rent voluntary, or is rent theft? Do all forms of renting violate the N.A.P., or do only economic rents violate the N.A.P. (or neither)?

Question #18. If you own a business, should you be in any sense obligated to serve whomever comes in? Why or why not? Would it be desirable to require businesses to serve all potential customers, if the state didn't exist, and why or why not?

Question #19. Can intellectual property be protected without government? Should it be protected? If so, how?



3. Questions Related to Borders, Nationalism, and Defense

Question #20. Are borders desirable? If so, does the right to have borders derive from our right to own private property, and if so, how?

Question #21. Would borders exist without government, and should they?

Question #22. Can nationalism exist without the state, and should it? Can fascism exist without the state?

Question #23. Is law enforcement good, natural, and necessary? Are the police necessary? Can you think of any circumstances under which ordinary civilians ought to have the right to arrest others?

Question #24. Should jails and prisons exist? Would they exist without the state, and if so, how would your strain of libertarianism propose to address the risk that applying the profit incentive to the issue of detention of criminal suspects and convicts, could result in increased arrests in order to justify building and filling more for-profit prisons?

Question #25. Can militaries exist without a government, and should they exist in a stateless society?

Question #26. Without the state, would people voluntarily band together to defend themselves, or would some form of “voluntary social contract” be necessary to ensure equal contribution to defense efforts?

Question #27. Are there any circumstances under which you would support gun confiscations? Mandatory military service (the draft) or draft registration? What about mandatory public service?

Question #28. Would private military contractors exist without the state, and should they?

Question #29. Would war exist without the state? Is war ever necessary, and if so, when and why?

Question #30. Can a “minimal government” exist? Is it possible to have government, but at the same time, not have statism?

Question #31. Would justice systems exist without government, and should they? Could there exist such thing as a “stateless legal order”, and if so, what would it look like, and how can it be achieved?

Question #32. Does anarchy mean a lack of rules, a lack of rulers, or something else? Would rules, laws, legislation, and regulations exist without government, and should they?

Question #33. Would contracts exist without government, and what qualifications make a person competent enough to enter into an enforceable contractual agreement? Can contracts be successful without guarantees of enforcement, and if so, how?




4. Questions About Taxes and Economic Issues

Question #34. Can taxation be voluntary, or is taxation always theft? Explain your answer.

Question #35. If civil order couldn't be sustained without some sort of involuntary taxation, then would you choose to ignore the need for civil order and not impose a taxation system, or would you choose some sort of so-called “least bad” or “semi-voluntary” taxation system? If you would, then 
which system would you choose, and why?

Question #36. Is it enough to assume that all exchanges which take place, are voluntary? If not, then is it enough to require all exchanges to be voluntary? Should we have higher standards in addition to voluntaryism in economic transactions?

Question #37. Where do corporations' privileges come from; the state, or some other source? Can corporations exist without the assistance of the state? If so, how? Would it be desirable that they exist, in the absence of the state?

Question #38. Are currency and money the same thing? Are currency and money good, natural, and necessary? Would they exist without government, and should they? What can and can't be used as a currency?

Question #39. Is the use of currency voluntary, or is inflation theft? Are all forms of money and currency intrinsically subjective in value, and is this a good thing or a bad thing? Are money and currency intrinsically control tools?

Question #40. Are rent, interest, and profit good, natural, and necessary? Would they exist without government, and should they? Why or why not?

Question #41. Which is a more valuable mode of organization in an economy; cooperation or competition? Why? Are there other ways to organize the economy? Is organizing the economy desirable in the first place, and can it be done without the government?

Question #42. Are there any resources which are abundant? Are markets, competition, and trade still necessary to help distribute and allocate goods which are abundant?

Question #43. Is overpopulation real? How might your libertarian strain of thought propose we deal with the problems typically associated with “overpopulation”?



5. Questions About Partisan Politics and Authoritarian Ideologies

Question #44. Which of the two major political parties have done the most damage to economic and social freedom? If you had to choose, which party would be the easiest for your strain of libertarianism to get along with, and why?

Question #45. Which governmental departments, welfare programs, or functions do you think are the most important to abolish? Which are the most urgent to abolish?

Question #46. What are the proper roles of federal, state, and local governments, as you understand it? Do you believe it is possible to reconcile anarchism with federalism – or achieve anarchism within a federalist system like the American system - and if so, then how?

Question #47. Are there any programs or functions of government which you think it is important to delay abolishing until we are sure we can live without them (and if so, what are they?)

Question #48. Does socialism always devolve into authoritarianism? Was the Nazi regime the result of collapsed socialism, or were the Nazis capitalists (or perhaps something else)?

Question #49. How do you feel about America's decision to align with the Soviet Union during World War II? Who did more damage to economic and social freedom – and who killed more - Adolf Hitler or Josef Stalin? If your strain of libertarian ideology had to align with either the Nazis or the Bolsheviks, which would you choose, and why?

Question #50. Considering your answer to the previous question, what assurances can you make to other libertarians about your strain of libertarianism's dedication to embracing freedom and liberty, and to opposing authoritarianism and states?




6. Questions About Social, Domestic, and Moral Issues

Question #51. What is your stance on positive and negative rights? What are your thoughts on the relationship between freedom, responsibility, and privilege?

Question #52. Can marriage exist without government recognition? If so, how? Has the problem of undue restrictions upon the rights of same-sex couples been solved yet, or not?

Question #53. How would you, or your strain of libertarianism, propose to address the issue of abortion?

Question #54. How would you, or your strain of libertarianism, propose to address the issue of public health?

Question #55. How would you, or your strain of libertarianism, propose to address the issue of drug addiction?

Question #56. How would you, or your strain of libertarianism, propose to address the issue of mental illness and mass shootings?

Question #57. How would you, or your strain of libertarianism, propose to address environmental and ecological issues?

Question #58. How would your strain of libertarianism propose to provide people with resources which we typically perceive as public utilities (such as energy, transportation, plumbing, roads, and infrastructure)?

Question #59. What are your thoughts about the role of religion and spirituality in an anarchist, stateless, or voluntary society? Should the practice of religion be allowed in an anarchist society, or should society find a way to get rid of it as just another form of indoctrination like government?

Question #60. Where does morality come from: the state or government, religion or spirituality, or some other source?

Question #61. Does non-aggression imply pacifism, and should people who subscribe to the N.A.P. have to be pacifists? What does pacifism mean to you? If we place peace too high among our values, does it put freedom and liberty at risk? Are force, aggression, violence, and coercion ever necessary, and if so, when?

Question #62. How would your libertarian ideology deal with problems like racism, ultra-nationalism, and hate groups? When, if ever, should “hate speech” be prohibited? Should Antifa be considered a domestic terrorist group?

Question #63. In the infamous "Trolley Problem", would you pull the lever to kill one person in order to save five others; or would you do nothing and leave the lever where it is, resulting in the death of five people? Explain your answer.

Written on October 4th, 7th, and 8th, 2019
Published on October 8th, 2019
Edited on October 24th, 2019

Originally Published as
"Sixty-Two Questions Every Thinking Libertarian Should Be Able to Answer

Wednesday, August 28, 2019

Socialism and Capitalism Are Compatible Because They Are Economic Systems, Not Political Systems

     Socialism - just like capitalism - is an economic system, not a political system.
     Sure, there's a popular perception out there, that socialism and capitalism each imply a certain political system to go along with them. Most people believe that socialism requires a centrally planned economy, while capitalism requires a "minimal government" to regulate fraud in the market and protect people's property. But that is not necessarily so.
     In this essay, I will explain why socialism does not require centralism, nor strict controls, and why it can be achieved without political action; and I will also explain why the fact that socialism and capitalism are economic systems - rather than political systems - means that they are incompatible. I will also explain under what conditions they are compatible, and the ramifications of synthesizing them both with and without the guidance of the state.

     Nearly every economic system which has been proposed - socialism, capitalism, and others - have both anarchist and statist variations. For example, some socialist and communist turn out totalitarian and quasi-fascistic (usually because they adopt central economic planning, and then resort to political repression, privacy invasion, and social controls to enforce the laws which that economic planning requires).
     But when governments operate in the favor of capitalists - that is, the owners of land, loans, capital, and enterprises - capitalism resorts to political repression, privacy invasion, and social controls, every bit as often as corrupt socialist governments do. Oligarchy is the statist variant of capitalism, while anarcho-capitalism, Agorism, and market-anarchism are some of the anarchist variants of capitalism.
     While some socialist regimes do end up "totalitarian communist", socialism has anarchist variants just like capitalists do. These include anarcho-syndicalism - including its "autonomist" tendency - as well as anarcho-communism, libertarian Marxism, libertarian socialism, and others. Those schools of socialist thought value maximizing local autonomy and worker autonomy; and promoting mass individual and collective ownership of the tools and machines which masses of propertyless people depend on in order to survive.

     Libertarian socialists, anarcho-communists, therefore, support not central planning (which free-marketers despise), but decentralized, polycentric planning. This should be enough to satisfy free-marketers' economic and financial concerns about socialism, because polycentric economic planning of society is much less economically risky than centralized economic planning is. Decentralized planning of the economy helps the people organize production (including its ecological impacts) in a manner which is suitable for the area and environment which they live in, know well, and depend on directly for survival.
     Decentralized planning would require much less political repression in order to enforce, because it would adopt the original principle behind the federalist form of government, which valued deferring as many matters as possible to the most local level of government competent enough to handle them. This principle expresses itself in the form of several political ideas; namely localism, subsidiarism, dual federalism and triple federalism, "polyarchy", and others.
    Lenin explained that his goal was to have social planning of economic production; any "government" which would exist after the abolition of the current state should be created by and subject to the will of the regional governments, just like the original idea behind the American system. Additionally, such a government would not primarily be for social control, but for the planning of economic production by the whole of society in communication with one another. Lenin wanted for the Soviet Union the same sort of delineation between central and regional duties which the Americans originally had; he just had different ideas about which issues which level of government ought to regulate.

     Communism is the political system which most socialists - especially Marxists - believe that socialism implies. Many capitalists are aware of this fact too. But what most capitalists, and some socialists, don't know, is that socialism doesn't always lead to communism, socialism does not always lead to a totalitarian regime, and communism is not totalitarian.
   Socialism doesn't always lead to communism; sometimes it leads to fascism. I would warn capitalist critics of socialism that they cannot claim "socialism always leads to communism" without accidentally admitting that socialism doesn't lead to fascism. And the idea that socialism leads to fascism tends to be an important part of the capitalist critique of socialism.
     Moreover, communism is not totalitarian, because Marx originally envisioned the end goal of socialism and communism to be "pure communism" or "free communism". Thus, communism is not only compatible with freedom; it has freedom - and the full abolition of the state - as its main goals. Pure communism, or free communism, aims for the eventual full abolition of the state, and along with it, the borders which the states establishes and protects, and the money which the state creates and issues. Additionally, the abolition of the class repression and social hierarchy,  which are created by the citizen/"illegal" distinction and the rich/poor distinction which those border and monetary systems create.
     The goal of free communism is to create a stateless, borderless, moneyless society, which would have no need for the state, nor its borders, nor its currency, nor anything else it creates and establishes.
     That is not very far-off from the goals of radical libertarians, market-anarchists, and "anarcho-capitalists", who support abolishing the state and its monopoly on the issuance of currency. That's why anarcho-communism and anarcho-capitalism are compatible. But only if the state and its economic interventions are fully abolished, and permanently; and "ancoms" and "ancaps" can compete for resources and legitimacy in a truly free, stateless, "free market" for alternative proposals to reorganize the economy.
     Communist and capitalist compromise is not without barriers and stumbling blocks, though; free communism would feature no government protection of private property whatsoever, and the only way a capitalist can get on board with that idea is if he is an anarcho-capitalist. This is to say that he must oppose not only state action to help protect property, but also the use of violence by anyone in order to protect property. In a free society, we would change each other's behavior through peaceful conversation and instruction, not through violent repression.

     Socialists and communists of all kinds, just as well as most supporters of free enterprise, oppose fascism and Nazism. That matters because fascism is intrinsically much more likely than socialism and capitalism to require statist intervention, violent enforcement, and central economic planning, in order to exist. It's not that "anarcho-fascist" systems haven't been proposed, however; "National-Anarchism" advocates non-violent "voluntary segregation" in order to avoid the need for statism, imperialism, and centralism, which they staunchly oppose.
     But the vast majority of people with racial supremacist and fascist ideologies, do support the state, do appeal to the state for legitimacy, and do resort to enlisting the help of violent government enforcement arms to protect their often dubious property claims. On the other hand, that is not to say that they won't resort to violence, or even violent revolution, in order to get what they want; the Spanish fascists' overthrowing of the legitimately elected social-anarchist government in the 1930s proves that.
     Fascism requires a strict hierarchy and high centralization of power in order to enforce its economic policy. The fascist economic policy is "dirigism", which etymologically refers to the government's direction of the economy. Under Nazism, for example, just like social and political issues, economic issues were subverted to the Fuhrerprinzip; the idea that the whole society should be organized so as to prioritize the needs of the Fuhrer (that is, the leader or "father" of the country). The need for military hierarchy under Hitler was used to justify the government's economic needs, and social repression was used to make it easier to enforce them.
     At the turn of the twentieth century, socialists such as Charles Maurras and Georges Sorel - as well as "war socialists" in the Russian Duma who supported World War I but rejected wholly dissolving the monarchy's power - began to articulate visions of socialism which required such strict enforcement of "labor discipline" (essentially, strict controls on workers and their production) that it bordered on fascism. This was typically justified by the supposed need for more strictly enforced and organized production during a wartime economy, in which resources must be prioritized so as to support the military's capability of defending itself. Not the "Fuhrer", mind you, but the country's defense capabilities. That tends to be what causes honest, reform-minded, progressive socialism to veer off-course and turn fascistic.
     The point being - to reiterate - socialism doesn't always lead to communism, because socialism sometimes leads to fascism. It doesn't always, but socialism - and fascist regimes parading as socialists - can turn fascist. Hitler was a fascist parading as a socialist. Mussolini was socialist as a youth, but became a fascist later in life. With the Molotov-Ribbentrop treaty, Stalin made himself look like a fascist by tricking Hitler into thinking he was going to give him everything he wanted. Franklin D. Roosevelt worked with Stalin, and imprisoned over a hundred thousand Japanese-American citizens who did nothing wrong, and at the end of his presidency wrote a letter decrying the selling out of the American people to foreign banking and business interests (which he helped facilitate).
     Socialism and fascism do go together sometimes. But that means that socialism doesn't always lead to communism. Because socialism can lead to fascism too.

     To be perfectly honest, in my opinion, it's entirely possible that the American presidential office could come to be occupied by a socialist or socialist-influenced candidate, and it could go off-course and end up fascist.
     I think that because I know that Bernie Sanders has voted for numerous military involvements in Africa and the Middle East - in at least nine countries - over his last 25 years in office. I am reluctant to support him for president - as "less bad" than Trump as that would be - because of those votes, and because I'm worried that he would dismantle American imperialism much more slowly than it needs to be dismantled.
     Based on what I've observed, instead of justifying the need for socialism on the need for military spending (as the "war socialists" did), "democratic socialists" like Sanders tend to excuse "a little" violent imperialist conquest, in order to placate the military-industrial complex lobbyists. I suspect that some self-described progressives and democratic socialists view this as necessary because they know that those lobbyists influence politicians so much, that the people can't strike a deal for a decent social safety net, unless the military and countless businesses are subsidized and supported (and rescued from bankruptcy time and time again) by taxpayers; such that there's a "balance" between warfare and welfare.
     The idea that these people are "democratic socialists" should bring shame to real socialists who value peace, and it does. Real socialists, who value freedom, support peace in all cases; they only support war against fascists and ultra-nationalists. Real "free communists" would never justify social control - nor political repression, nor the use of violence (except in self-defense) - in order to achieve either socialist economic goals or sufficient support of the need for collective defense. Thus, a self-described "communist" who supports any form of military spending, aggression, money, borders, or class distinctions, is an "impure" communist by the standards of Orthodox Marxists.

     The people of the Paris Commune took up arms, and bore them in public. Modern Libertarians and Marxists alike criticize Ronald Reagan for repressing the Black Panthers for insisting on being armed in public. The divide between libertarians and the far-left thus seems to be shrinking.
     Many radical Marxists now realize that the right to be armed in public is valuable, because they know that it is necessary for the most vulnerable people in our society to defend themselves, when the tools of social and racial oppression against them are deadly. There were even murmurs of "Tenth Amendment solutions" - that is, states' rights, Jeffersonian nullification, and "devolving" federal duties to the states - in some Democratic circles in early 2017. Andrew Yang is running for president as a Democrat, yet has a noticeable libertarian following.
     Some communists and socialists are coming around to libertarian ideas; while others are not. The opposite is true as well; many American libertarians are realizing that capitalism isn't working, and are turning to ideas like "free market anti-capitalism" and "markets, not capitalism" for answers and solutions. Once convinced that totally free markets imply statelessness while capitalism too often relies on subsidies from the state, many of these libertarians turn to quasi-socialist economic theories like Georgism and Mutualism for additional answers. From there, it's a short leap to stateless forms of socialism and communism.
     The reason why I am one of these libertarians - that is, one whom is interested in socialism, and not afraid of communism - is because I know socialism and capitalism do not always have to result in some certain political system, with certain modes of oppression. They are economic systems, which can be mixed, especially in an environment which is free of the state, and free of its repressive social and economic agenda (which further its aims of control and centralization of power).
     Additionally, I know that classical liberals were grouped together with leftists in the late 19th century French parliament, and that the original "libertarians" were the late 19th century and early 20th century European social anarchists.
     Democrats, socialists, and communists do not need to be rejected and maligned by libertarians, nor threatened to be thrown out of a helicopter. Democracy is not harmful if it is consensus-based, and has a concern for the minorities' rights and the right to opt-out and dissent. Any and all democrats, socialists, and communists who care about these things, and local needs - as well as individual human rights; such as our needs for social freedom and to defend ourselves, and our needs as workers to own the machines on which we depend on for survival -  should be considered potential friends of libertarians.
     That's because those leftists value what libertarians care about most: diminishing the ability of the centralized state to use violent enforcement to control our society and our economy without the consultation of the local population. They might have slightly different reasons for doing that at times, but Agorist Wally Conger explains in his book Agorist Class Theory that radical libertarians basically want to achieve the same goals as Marx did, but through different means and methods.
     This might help explain why Ron Paul was called a "communist" by some Republicans (mostly for his non-interventionist foreign policy); it's because libertarians and socialists are that strongly opposed to fascism, that to a Republican, they are difficult to distinguish (especially on issues related to the use of the state and military, and their violence, to give preferential treatment to one economic system or another, especially when that system is fascism).
     For all these reasons, and more, anarcho-communists and anarcho-capitalists should not be at each other's throats, claiming that each other's economic system always leads to fascism, while denying what they themselves did to allow that to happen by setting a bad example. To the contrary; ancoms and ancaps should be working together to build a new and better economy, based on the freedom-minded ideals which they determine, through negotiation, that they have in common.

     There is a way to reconcile capitalism and socialism, after all, without it leading to fascism. The way to do that is to refuse to rely on the state to moderate, arbitrate, or supervise such negotiations.

     The time for more communication across economic schools of thought is now. I encourage my readers to read about, and study, alternative economic proposals and systems, especially the anarchist and libertarian varieties. Especially - for the purposes of this essay - Mutualism, market socialism, Georgism, Geo-Libertarianism, panarchy, and anarchism of the "autonomist" and "platformist" varieties. Additionally, economic theories which reject the need for left-vs.-right systemization, such as gift economies, "post-scarcity economics" and "post-scarcity economics" and related topics.
     The dispute between minarchists (advocates of minimum government) and anarchists, is unnecessary; the minimum amount of government is zero. Just think about how much taxpayer money the government would save, if it did nothing at all.



Written on August 28th, 2019

Originally published on August 28th, 2019
under the title "Socialism is Compatible with Capitalism
Because They Are Economic Systems, Not Political Systems"

Tuesday, June 26, 2018

Anarcho-Capitalist Incels

     “AnCap incels” are “involuntarily celibate” Anarcho-capitalists; that is, radically pro-private property individuals who believe themselves to be anarchists, and feel that they have been made celibate against their will (involuntarily).
     The only reason that male heterosexual AnCap incels are not socialists is that they know socialists would not "collectivize the means of reproduction" - as they often joke, and secretly hope - in addition to collectivizing the means of production (factories, farms, factory farms, etc.).
     They assume that their enemies, the socialists, view everything as a resource to be distributed equitably among the people, and also that the socialists consider women "things" like AnCap incels consider them. But they're wrong to assume these things; they make these assumptions due to projection and transference, in hopes that they'll find a socialist who will admit a desire to collectivize or redistribute access to (or ownership of) women.
     If socialists delivered on this “equitable distribution of reproduction” – the AnCap incels' crucial selling point - and assigned a mate (read: sex slave) to each "involuntarily celibate" person (read: person who isn't getting laid but thinks they're entitled to sex), then these AnCap incels would start calling themselves socialists.
     In truth, AnCap incels are traitors to the cause of the free market, because they refuse to allow themselves to be subjected to the ordinary forces of the so-called “dating market” or “sexual marketplace” . That is, they refuse to subject themselves to the effects which arise when you're dog-dick ugly and you can't stop talking shit about people who aren't cis men; the demand of you plummets, and since supply change because there's only one of you, your value goes down too.
     AnCaps are not anarchists, because they hate this state, but fantasize about essentially having their own personal state. They want to replicate all the worst aspects of statism (exclusivity, monopoly, terrritorialism, and legitimate violence) at a microcosmic scale on their own property. AnCaps want to own land and businesses for the specific purpose of excluding people, or else killing people whom they can trick into accidentally trespassing, or overstaying their welcome, on their property. And, if inviting them on, then only in order to interfere with their freedom of travel, and trick them into selling their labor, in order to reap profit at their expense while there. Additionally, sometimes, even to destroy the land for fun, or otherwise ruin it or make it unusable for others (thus destroying something he didn't create).
     AnCap incels are traitors to both socialism and the free market. Real anarchists don't hate communists; they help them shoot fascists. Real anarchists don't treat women as property, they help them shoot rapists, and help them pour acid over half of their family for trying to marry them off to an ugly old incel relative.
     Sex and physical affection are arguably human needs, but anyone who refuses to admit that being born with any human need doesn't obligate any particular person to fulfill that need for someone, is mistaken. To argue otherwise is to suggest that human beings and their bodies are nothing more than dead resources which should be considered up for allocation and distribution according to the whims of the market, to be delivered to the doors of the highest bidders.
     What AnCap incels want borders on sex slavery, arranged marriage, and other forms of forced and coerced sexual relationships. AnCap incels should not be having sex with anybody, much less encouraging legions of young male AnCap incels to go out and meet women, nor especially to attempt to teach anyone about political philosophy. Therefore, for the good of everyone whom AnCap incels want to have sex with, they should stay home, and very literally go fuck themselves, and no one else.



Addendum, Written on September 5th, 2019:

     The problem of incels "thinking all resources held in common, means equal distribution of women as the means of production", bizarrely enough, was dealt with in the actual Communist Manifesto, by Marx and Engels themselves. Granted, they were referring to the bourgeoisie thinking women would be equitably distributed, rather than "incels". But Marx and Engels' critique of the incels' ideas on this topic would probably be the same.
     As quoted from The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels write: "The bourgeois sees his wife [as] a mere instrument of production. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments as production."

     Read the original text at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm





Originally Written on June 13th, 2018

Edited, Expanded, and Published on June 26th, 2018 and October 20th, 2020
Edited on September 8th, 2021

Addendum Written on September 5th, 2019

Friday, December 2, 2016

Baby Starving Rothbardians, Part 2: Elaboration



Table of Contents

 




1. Introduction

2. The Ethics of Liberty

3. Rothbardianism

4. The Libertarian Position on Abortion

5. Negative Rights vs. Positive Rights

6. The Baby Starving Principle

7. Morality in A Clockwork Orange

8. The Law, Taxes, and Alienation of the Will

9. Abortion, Baby Starving, and the Left

10. Abortion, Baby Starving, and the Right

11. I Hate My Dead Gay Son

12. Abortion and Baby Starving as Political Strategy

13. The Libertarian Position on Baby Starving

14. Parenting as Slavery

15. Hospitals!

16. Who Will Starve the Baby Starvers!?

17. Starvation and Natural Resources

18. Freedom for the Trolls

19. Babies Feed Themselves

20. Fuck Child Labor Laws

21. You Can Get a Lot of Money for a Baby

22. Conclusion

 

 

 

 

Content

 

1. Introduction

 

Over the last three decades, Murray Rothbard's position on whether parents have a responsibility to feed their children has come under fire from social democrats, “conservatarian” pro-lifers, and even fellow libertarians alike.

The social democratic criticism can be found in the article “The Horror of Rothbardian Natural Rights” at socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.com. The conservatarian pro-life criticism can be found in the article “Children’s Rights versus Murray Rothbard’s The Ethics of Liberty” by John Walker of Libertarians for Life, at l4l.org. The libertarian criticism can be found in the article “Murray Rothbard, Libertarianism, and Why Children Are Not Simply Houseguests” by KevinCK of edphilosopher.wordpress.com.

 

 

2. The Ethics of Liberty

 

In his 1982 book The Ethics of Liberty, Austrian School economist Murray Newton Rothbard (1926-1995) wrote the following, in Chapter 14, entitled “Children and Rights”:

 

It must therefore be illegal and a violation of the child’s rights for a parent to aggress against his person by mutilating, torturing, murdering him, etc. On the other hand, the very concept of “rights” is a “negative” one, demarcating the areas of a person’s action that no man may properly interfere with. No man can therefore have a “right” to compel someone to do a positive act, for in that case the compulsion violates the right of person or property of the individual being coerced. Thus, we may say that a man has a right to his property (i.e., a right not to have his property invaded), but we cannot say that anyone has a “right” to a “living wage,” for that would mean that someone would be coerced into providing him with such a wage, and that would violate the property rights of the people being coerced. As a corollary this means that, in the free society, no man may be saddled with the legal obligation to do anything for another, since that would invade the former’s rights; the only legal obligation one man has to another is to respect the other man’s rights.

Applying our theory to parents and children, this means that a parent does not have the right to aggress against his children, but also that the parent should not have a legal obligation to feed, clothe, or educate his children, since such obligations would entail positive acts coerced upon the parent and depriving the parent of his rights. The parent therefore may not murder or mutilate his child, and the law properly outlaws a parent from doing so. But the parent should have the legal right not to feed the child, i.e., to allow it to die. The law, therefore, may not properly compel the parent to feed a child or to keep it alive. (Again, whether or not a parent has a moral rather than a legally enforceable obligation to keep his child alive is a completely separate question.)

 

As a popular libertarian internet meme, bearing the image of Rothbard, reads, “If you've been called an anarchist, a racist, a hippy, a fascist, a liberal, and a neocon all in the same day... you're probably a libertarian.”

Anyone who is familiar with how libertarians are perceived should not be shocked to find out that Rothbard has taken heat from both liberals and conservatives on this topic, and these are the very groups that libertarians have courted, and must continually court, if they want to boost their appeal and grow their ranks.

 

 

3. Rothbardianism

 

Much like Barry Goldwater's once-speechwriter Karl Hess, Rothbard was a libertarian who bounced between the New Left and the Old Right. While Hess worked for Goldwater in the early 1960s, and then allied himself with the New Left who protested the Vietnam War, Rothbard leaned left in the 1960s, and in the 1980s and early 1990s found himself more often in contact with paleolibertarians, paleoconservatives, nationalists, and libertarian-conservatives; namely, Ron Paul, Pat Buchanan, and David Duke.

Collectively, Rothbard's leftist writings of the 1960s constitute a milieu of theoretical work, whose adherents have fashioned themselves as “left-Rothbardians”; these include Gary Chartier and Charles W. Johnson, the co-editors of the recent libertarian / anarchist historical compendium, and subsequent audio-book, Markets Not Capitalism.

            Philosophies which are sympathetic, and / or loosely related, to left-Rothbardianism, include left-wing market-anarchists; libertarians who explicitly reject the “Libertarian Brutalism” of Christopher Cantwell because of its explicitly anti-Left and anti- political correctness stances; Agorists who view anarcho-syndicalism and Mutualism favorably, yet do not view the question of whether to attempt to reform the state as a point of contention with other schools of activism and thought; and some libertarians who self-describe as “left-libertarian”.

Although Murray Rothbard's baby starving position has been criticized by both the left and the right, as I will show, the left and right could, just as easily as one another, come to agree with Rothbard's views on abortion and the responsibility to feed children.

 

 

4. The Libertarian Position on Abortion

 

According to iSideWith.com, between 2011 and 2014, on the issue of abortion, libertarians were more pro-choice than pro-life, by slightly more than a 2-to-1 margin. Since leftists, liberals, and conservatives are attracted to libertarianism to different degrees, and for different reasons, it would be difficult and incorrect to say that there is one single libertarian position on abortion. While pro-choice libertarians support the woman's right to choose, pro-life libertarians support the fetus's liberty; its right to be free from aggression in the form of its own murder.

This is relevant because Rothbard explains his views on abortion and parental care for children in the same breath. In Chapter 14 of The Ethics of Liberty, Rothbard states that abortion is permissible, and that the proper demarcation of when abortion stops being acceptable is the point of birth.

He also explains, immediately following the preceding block-quote, that the reason that it is permissible to allow a deformed baby to die, is because it is permissible to allow any baby to die (Note: the term a fortiori refers to an argument from a yet-stronger reason):

 

This rule allows us to solve such vexing questions as; should a parent have the right to allow a deformed baby to die (e.g. by not feeding it)? The answer is of course yes, following a fortiori from the larger right to allow any baby, whether deformed or not, to die. (Though, as we shall see below, in a libertarian society the existence of a free baby market will bring such “neglect” down to a minimum.)

 

Not surprisingly, Rothbard's position on abortion and (ahem) baby starving, have been strong points of contention between libertarians and non-libertarians, especially in the last several years in the blogosphere, and especially in the last several months (Note: this time period refers to mid- to late- 2014 in popular discussion on the internet.

Naturally, any normal person would ask, 1) “Why would Rothbard want us to think people don't have the responsibility to feed their own children?”. Additionally, I would hope that some would look at the last quote and ask 2) “Could it be that Rothbard simply supports both abortion and negligent infanticide, and only says that abortion stops being permissible at birth because he believes that birth is the point when the death of the individual would stop being termed abortion, and instead be considered infanticide?”

To these questions, I answer, to be as succinct as possible: 1) “Because Rothbard is distinguishing a legal responsibility from a moral responsibility, and besides that, there are lots of perfectly reasonable moral reasons to refrain from feeding your children” and 2) “Quite probably.”

 

 

5. Negative Rights vs. Positive Rights

 

From what I can gather, Rothbard is defending the idea that parents do not have any intrinsic responsibility to actively do anything to ensure their children's survival, including by feeding them.

According to Rothbard, parents must not actively hurt their children, and should be arrested and punished for doing so, but parents have no positive responsibility to ensure that their children are properly fed, clothed, sheltered, et cetera.

Such arrest and punishment of parents actively harming their children, would not constitute the initiation of force (i.e., aggression) because such actions would be a response to the aggression initiated by the parents. I will note that to oppose Prior Restraint of Action (as I discussed in “Baby Starving Rothbardians, Part 1: Ethos”) would entail that no physical force ought to be visited upon the aggressing parent unless and until the act of harm is committed.

 

Rothbard views parents feeding children as something that occurs on a strictly voluntary basis on the part of the parent; to Rothbard, a parent can only take on that responsibility by consenting to it in the absence of coercion, in the absence of a chilling effect on free action. To Rothbard, individuals have the responsibility to take care of nobody but those they choose to take care of (if even themselves) because being coerced or forced into caring for others alienates the will from the individual.

This is to say that to be required to engage in positive action (which is to be distinguished from inaction) is to be threatened into doing something that is contrary to your own will, and / or desires, wants, and / or needs. This idea comes naturally to those who accept the idea that our moral agency is negated when we “act” or “choose” under a state of duress, coercion, compulsion, force, aggression, slavery, or involuntary servitude.

If you help someone in need because someone forces you to do so, that does not say anything about whether you are a good person; it only confirms that you will do as you are told if and when you are threatened. Furthermore, if you help someone who is in need, to your own detriment, because you are forced to do so, this only confirms that you will do as you are told if and when you are threatened, whether it is in the interest of your own survival or not, and whether it is right or wrong from your own personal subjective preferences, and in your assessment of your own needs and preferences.

This principle is applicable to most if not all questions of morality of behavior; not just abortion and baby starving, but also drug use and other “vice” behaviors, which have no real victims in the corpus delicti sense of the word “crime”. Ron Paul perhaps illustrated this idea best when, in a 2012 Republican Party presidential debate appearance in South Carolina, he stated his views on heroin: “How many people here would use heroin if it were legal? I bet nobody would.” (Mocking such a hypothetical person:) “'Oh yeah, I need the government to take care of me, I don't want to use heroin, so I need these laws!’”

It may not make sense on the surface, and may not appear to pertain to anything in particular, but this is the essence of the libertarian argument against the system of compulsory taxation, which usually occurs through passive, begrudging assent, although the state pretends that it is voluntary.

Libertarians believe that no individual has any particular responsibility to take care of or ensure the survival of any other individual, unless they choose to attempt to take on that responsibility. Especially because to assist someone who may be self-destructive or violent, might have negative consequences for the helper, and / or for the person being helped.

 

 

6. The Baby Starving Principle

 

To those libertarians to which this holds true even when it comes to one's own child, we shall call the “Baby Starving Rothbardians” (as I explained in Part 1 of this three-part “Baby Starving Rothbardians” piece), for they strongly agree with Rothbard on the principles I have articulated over the last several paragraphs.

I, myself, am prepared to support the Baby Starving Rothbardian (B.S.R.) idea only on a purely philosophical level; also, in order to exploit the idea for the potential it holds in the way of sarcastic “troll” arguments; and, lastly, to win-over liberals and conservatives to libertarianism under the banner of what shall hereafter be referred to as the Baby Starving Principle (B.S.P.) or Axiom (B.S.A.):

 

Nobody has any positive responsibility to take care of anybody else, nor save anyone's life, even if it is one's own starving baby, unless that is their will and they have pledged to do so. This is because to be forced, required, compelled, or otherwise coerced to give to others (especially when it is to one's own detriment), is a violation of the right not to be coerced, and alienates one's will from the individual rights and personal responsibility entailed by one’s capacity for informed consent and moral agency.

 

As Plato wrote, “Good people do not need laws to tell them to act responsibly, while bad people will find a way around the laws.” As it says in 1 Timothy 1:9, “the law is made not for the righteous but for lawbreakers and rebels”.

 

 

7. Morality in A Clockwork Orange

 

In Anthony Burgess's book A Clockwork Orange, the character Alex, a reformed rapist, has been terrorized into revulsion at violence to the point of becoming sick. As the prison priest says of the results of Alex's “therapy” in the film version, directed by Stanley Kubrick:

 

“He has no real choice, has he? Self-interest, fear of physical pain, drove him to that grotesque act of self-abasement. Its insincerity was clearly to be seen. He ceases to be a wrongdoer. He ceases also to be a creature capable of moral choice.”

 

To this, behavioral scientist and psychotherapist Dr. Brodsky answers:

 

“These are subtleties” … “We are not concerned with motives, with the higher ethics. We are concerned only with cutting down crime”.

 

Dr. Brodsky's response is a consequentialist ethical standpoint; it is concerned more with the consequences of the arguably torturous methods used to alter Alex's behavior, than it is with whether Alex has really been emptied of any desire to harm others.

Arguably, Dr. Brodsky's view is also a utilitarian one; it is more concerned with what is useful to a majority of the people, than it is about duties to the self and to the individual. His view lacks concern for Alex's freedom from having aggression initiated against him, in a situation in which he presents no clear, present, immediate, credible, specific danger, nor threat thereof, against anyone; this torturous “therapy” occurring long after Alex committed the act of rape.

 

 

8. The Law, Taxes, and Alienation of the Will

 

To reiterate, threatening a person with arrest, or inflicting trauma or physical aggression upon someone, for neglecting people he has never met and has no particular reason to care for, even if it is his or her own child, should not be morally permissible, because the legal prohibition robs individuals of their personal moral agency and responsibility.

If you need a law to tell you to feed a starving child, or your starving child, then there is something wrong with you. Furthermore, if you don't want to feed the child, you will find a way around the law. If you want to obey the law, and feed the child, then you will also do so. Parents, and people in general, only care about what is right from their own personal subjective ethics, with some deference to the needs and ethics of others, in proportion to the degree to which they have committed to care for, and consider, other particular people.

If there were a law against feeding your own child, most parents would try to feed their children anyway, and they would not care what the law says. You might object, “But such a law would be preposterous, and would never be passed or enforced.”

But I would respond that, first, this is an Argument From Benevolence (a term which originally referred to the benevolence of God, but here I am referring to benevolence of government), by which I mean that it is a fallacy to suppose that government would not do something bad because government is good, in the same way that it is misguided to define God as infinitely just (omnibenevolent) and therefore God would not do something evil.

 

I would also respond – to borrow a criticism of economist Ronald Coase, which was leveled by Walter Block – by inviting you to suppose that the government wanted to raise the estate tax (also known as the death tax, and as the tax on inheritance) from the 20 to 40 percent range, up to 100%, in order to insure society against “unearned wealth” and property being passed down from parent to child, and to ensure that all wealth is earned by its possessor during his or her lifetime.

As Block argues, for the government to confiscate 100% of inheritance, would be to confiscate the very food, and money for food, being passed down from parent to child. Hence, full realization of the government's authority to enforce the estate tax might have the same result as endorsing Rothbard's idea that no parent ought to be obligated to feed his or her child.

Furthermore, the estate tax often requires taxpayers to sell-off their assets so that they can be mathematically quantified for tax purposes; but priceless things like family heirlooms, and gifts given to children, cannot be quantified.

 

I have written much on my views of Rothbard (including in my article “Response to [‘]Exposing the Racism of Libertarianism and Murray Rothbard[‘]”, which can be found in my book Civil Rights), and my previous and following pieces on Baby Starving Rothbardians, constitute much more in-depth expositions of my thoughts on contraception, abortion, and infanticide, than I could possibly fit in this article.

But I will say what I have to say to liberals and conservatives on the topics of abortion and baby starving, and I will do it succinctly here, for the glory of the Baby Starving Rothbardians; for the sake of the consistency of our principle; and for the sake of the cohesion of the country and the liberal, conservative, and libertarian ideologies.

 

 

9. Abortion, Baby Starving, and the Left

 

While liberals and leftists may criticize Rothbard's view on baby starving as a dereliction of the supposed duty which each of us supposedly has to care for others. But Rothbard's views on abortion, expressed elsewhere in Chapter 14 of The Ethics of Liberty, are pretty on-par with the views on abortion that (the mostly pro-choice) liberals and leftists possess; i.e., that an unwanted fetus should be treated as a parasite, or as a “houseguest” that needs to be, as Rothbard put it, “evicted”.

Aside from their similar views on abortion, on the topic of baby starving directly, I would ask liberals and leftists the following questions: 1) How can you disagree with Rothbard's view that a parent has no responsibility to feed his starving baby, when you support abortion and adoption? How can you believe that a parent should always have to feed his child, and also believe that adoption should stay legal; that a parent can abandon custody of their child, and neglect the child from afar while someone else takes care of it?”

Also, 2) Why is aborting a fetus – or inflicting upon it a “partial-birth” or “post-birth” (so-called) “abortion”, a/k/a infanticide – a morally superior action, when compared to starving a baby or child to death?

Of course, it is debatable whether abortion or starvation is a worse fate for a fetus, a baby, or an older child. Slow starvation seems less preferable when compared to the quick death that comes through abortion. However, some abortions can take weeks, and some women use alternative methods of abortion which resemble starvation more than they resemble the mayhem (i.e., physical violence) which abortion entails.

So why should liberals or libertarians (whom are both, more often than not, socially liberal) discriminate between baby starving and abortion, when it comes to which baby-murdering tactic is the superior one? Isn't discrimination wrong, and racist? Huh, leftists!? But I digress.

As for adoption, the belief that parents should be free to choose either abortion or adoption as the solution to their problem of needing to neglect their babies, simply tells us that the parental responsibility to feed the child, if and when it is undertaken, is alienable. Someone has the responsibility to feed a child, and if the parent takes it up, then he or she can alienate that responsibility, by transferring it to social workers and / or adoptive families. In some cases and locations, they can even do so without having any negative consequences visited upon them.

Why should liberals and libertarians squabble about whether abortion, starvation, or adoption are the best ways to cause children to die?

 

Those who criticize Rothbard's position on baby starving might fail to consider that, if and when parents attempt to undertake the responsibility of feeding children, 1) that responsibility can be permanent, impermanent and revocable, or sporadic / off-and-on, and 2) that responsibility can be conditional or unconditional. This all depends on the parent's choice; that is, whether, when, and for how long, a parent agrees to feed their children, and agrees to have that responsibility enforced by some third party.

Rothbard's critics might also fail to consider that attempting to undertake the responsibility of feeding one's children is an insecure bet in the first place, given the scarcity of food in some places (whether natural or artificial; materially, it doesn't matter), increasing costs of certain foods, and varying nutritional content of given foods.

This is to say that, when a parent attempts to undertake the responsibility to commit to feeding his children for several years or decades, he does so hoping that he will be able to do so long-term, but can only earn, plan, and buy (or grow) food a little bit at a time. So, as a result, that responsibility usually comes to an end, or else it becomes conditional and / or sporadic, according to what, and how much, the parent is capable of providing at any given time.

 

To summarize my points criticizing those to Rothbard's left:

 1) a parent has no intrinsic, nor permanent, nor unalienable responsibility to feed his or her own child, because you and Rothbard agree that a parent can alienate that responsibility by giving their child up for adoption;

 2) a parent doesn't even have a responsibility to refrain from actively murdering his own child (Rothbard didn't say this, but he believes it, on the condition that the baby in question is deformed), because you and Rothbard, and also Richard Dawkins, agree again that Sarah Palin should have aborted her son Trig, who was born with Down's Syndrome;

 3) there might not be enough food for the baby to eat, because the baby might have to be what we're all eating if the potatoes don't come in this harvest season;

 and lastly,

 4) if you're going to defend President Barack Obama (whom, as a senator, fought to legalize partial-birth abortion) and M.S.N.B.C. host Melissa Harris-Perry (who considers infanticide acceptable up to age three, and says that children should be viewed as belonging to the community), then you would excuse the negligent homicide – and even the intentional homicide; i.e., murder – of babies born alive as the result of failed abortions.

 

And in that case, you shouldn't care whether the fetus or baby was starved to death, had its umbilical cord cut, had its brain scrambled, had its head sucked flat with a vacuum, or was starved to death of nutrients in the womb, in order for the abortion to occur, so you might as well stop pretending you're any more pro-fetus, pro-baby, or pro-child than Rothbard.

If you agree with Melissa Harris-Perry that “When does life begin? I submit the answer depends an awful lot on the feeling of the parents. A powerful feeling, but not science”, and if you also agree with Oxford University's Dr. Francisca Minerva that “if we consider it acceptable to abort a baby up until birth then why not allow it to die afterwards? It is just a difference in geography, within or outside the mother's body”, then you support negligent infanticide. And this, as an alternative to abortion, is the same thing as passively allowing a wanted infant to starve to death. So why, then, should you care whether such a baby is starved to death rather than somehow “medically aborted” by a doctor?

What this all goes to show is that liberals and leftists, and most libertarians, support both abortion and adoption, and even a little infanticide, especially if the baby is deformed, retarded, or has a conservative mother who has governed a small state. Deal with it.

 

 

10. Abortion, Baby Starving, and the Right

 

Now, I'm sure that my readers are wondering, “how are you going to win conservatives over to your side on the issues of abortion and baby starving, when you've just defended abortion, baby starving, fetus starving, infanticide, and fetus rape?” Well, that's a very good question.

Conservatives, I'm sure you believe that you think it's wrong to starve, abort, murder, and kill-rape your own child, and you believe that you would never do that, and that doing those things would be wrong. But what if your child was gay? If you knew your child was gay, and you had the power to murder him, then why would you care what age he was when you actively murdered him, or, through your passive negligence, allowed him to die? He would be dead, that's all you'd want. Right?

You wouldn't care if you aborted him, or her (say it's a little lesbian fetus), nor would you care if you had to wait until it had to be a partial-birth abortion or an infanticide, or a discrete murder at the age of three (with the body in a shopping-mall trash receptacle, to borrow an idea from comedian Louis CK). Remember patria potestas, the right of fathers in Ancient Rome to govern family affairs? You brought them into this world, you can take them out! What does it matter the age or the means!? ...But that would be cruel.

So why not wait until your gay son or lesbian daughter grows up, until they're in their teens, and then tell them that soon you'll begin expecting them to get a job and pay for their own food, or else … they still have to get a job, and they still have to pay for their own food, but they have to start living somewhere else. That's not wrong whether your kid is heterosexual or not.

            You might ask, “How can you say that parents can starve or murder their child at any age, and then say that parents should have the right to throw their gay children out on the street?” I would say, and I'm sure that Rothbard would agree; that comes from the larger right to starve and evict any child at any age, regardless of sexual orientation, from the house and / or the womb.

Just as in the example of Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited segregation and discrimination in places of public accommodations, when businesses (at least, those not engaged in interstate commerce) have the right to refuse service to anyone for any reason, such businesses only incidentally have the right to discriminate against anyone for any particular reason. The particular right is only incidental to, but is derived from, the larger right.

Everyone knows that libertarians love to economize, but few know that they save a psychic bundle by adopting these convenient philosophical belief-loopholes! Also, everyone knows that black fetuses don't pay their womb-rent on time. But, of course, it's the Jewish fetuses who keep them down. 

Also, if you want to insist that a parent ought to be obligated to care for his own child, then you might condemn a child to a parent that will feed him foods that lack sufficient nutrition, and / or feed him an insufficient amount of food. You would be forcing the child to associate with the parent without the child’s consent, compelling him to become, and / or remain, party to an association which may become, or remain, harmful and abusive.

 

 

11. I Hate My Dead Gay Son

 

Anyway, there are plenty of reasons why it would be in both a parent’s and a child’s interest for a parent to kick his gay son out on the street. For example, what if the gay son is in-and-out of the house at all hours of the night, using the house phone and internet to solicit gay sex, attracting lots of people to the house to have orgies in the middle of the night, disturbing his parents, and his neighbors, and their pets, with the loud sounds of men entering and exiting both house doors and male orifices, while techno music blares?

“How could anyone ever throw their gay son out on the street?”, you ask. Give me a break! But anyway, the point is, babies.

Conservatives might say “but raping your fetus to death is wrong.” But the same conservatives might also rape their gay sons to make sure they aren't gay, or to punish them for being gay, or whatever reason is necessary to justify the rape. And once a conservative man rapes his son, the son will become gay, whether he was already gay or whether the act of his father raping him made him gay, perhaps as a corollary to becoming able to begin enjoying his own rape, as an act of spiteful revenge against his perpetrator (very similar to the way you are attempting to enjoy this article!).

This is because submitting to the rape – your punishment of your son for suspecting he might be gay – is the only thing that can make you mad (Note: I suspect that that's how B.D.S.M. developed, prisoners who were getting sexually tortured simply decided to start liking the punishment as revenge, to the dismay of their captors).

So of course your gay son is going to let a bunch of other gay guys into your house, so naturally you would throw him and his friends out, especially if they're eating you out of house and home, on top of making a lot of noise, and possibly bringing drugs into the house, and attracting the kind of people who are likely to burglarize your valuables, in addition to burglarizing your son’s gay ass.

But, as I was saying, conservatives shouldn't and don't care whether their gay baby was letting a bunch of gay men into his mother's vagina and throwing wild parties, or whether their gay baby starved to death in his own room (or cage) at the age of 15, they should just want their gay children dead – as Malcolm X said, “by any means necessary” – at least, they should if they want libertarians to consider them ideologically consistent.

Also, what if your kid is a Communist? Then you'd most assuredly want to reserve the right to abort, starve, murder, and fetus-rape your own flesh and blood, no receipt necessary. It's cheap, and they're sinners. “Shoot ‘em all” (or starve, as the case may be) “and let God sort ‘em out”. If there's no reason you won't rape your children at 15 to make sure they're not falling into a sinful, sexually deviant lifestyle – or, as some morally upstanding, decent American folks call it, parenting – then there's no reason you shouldn't want to rape them to death when they're just a fetus, and don't even have the chance to come into this world and learn how to move their hands, which, if left idle, just get possessed by the Devil. Andrea Yates knew that and that's why she drowned her babies, praise the Lord.

Right?

...And they say libertarians don't criticize conservatives enough.

 

 

12. Abortion and Baby Starving as Political Strategy

 

By now I think I've made “clear” my criticism of liberals, leftists, and conservatives on the issues of abortion, infanticide, baby starving, and throwing one's own flesh and blood out on the street.

I think I've also made it clear that what liberals, conservatives, and libertarians can all agree on, is that it's desirable and advantageous to oneself to murder those who do not think like us, regardless of what their ideology is, or their age, race, et cetera, each of which is only incidental to the larger right to refrain from caring for anyone but oneself.

Hopefully, “modern” liberals and conservatives can appreciate Plato's 4,500-year-old The Republic, in which it is agreed upon by multiple interlocutors that “justice is the advantage of the stronger”; that each political system only serves its own interests. Oligarchy serves the oligarchs, timocracy serves the wealthy, aristocracy serves the aristocrats, and so on. Political systems are much like individual human beings in this regard; they are naturally self-serving. No effort nor expenditure has to be made to force people to behave in their own interests.

I believe that wanting to kill other people because they disagree with you and might steal your food, is a solid bedrock on which to build unity between the liberal, conservative, and libertarian ideologies, and ideological consistency in popular modern American political speech and letters. It is truly the only thing we all have in common. And as a wise black man once said, “we have to exalt what we all have in common”. It wasn't President Obama, and I don't remember his name, but you should believe it because a black man said it, or else you're a racist.

To repeat and expand upon an earlier point, why should we cheapen our hatred of others by attaching qualifiers and conditions like race, and age, and method of death, and gender (such as in the cases of sex-selective abortion, and making your son wear a dress if he wants to eat, or whatever)? That would be discrimination, and as Rand Paul clarified to us all on M.S.N.B.C., discrimination is wrong. As comedian Emo Phillips said, “Why hate someone for their race, or their creed, when there are so many real reasons to hate others?”

            So, liberals: please, starve and discriminate against conservatives and fascists; and to conservatives: please starve and discriminate against liberals, leftists, and Communists. As a libertarian, I say do what you want. As long as everybody's trying to discriminate against everyone else, and starve to death everyone who doesn't think like them. At least we'll be able to be honest, and live honestly, and be open about what we want, and capable of being responsible, and held responsible, for our actions.

Let's stop fooling ourselves into thinking that we can live either together, or apart. As the Discordian anarchists will tell us, strife and discord are inevitable; chaos reigns the most tyrannically when it is not invited to the party.

 

 

13. The Libertarian Position on Baby Starving

 

As I said above, I maintain that there is no single, especially no single consistent, libertarian position on abortion and baby starving. As the above will confirm, libertarians choose what they say based on two factors: 1) its ability to win people over to libertarianism, and 2) how controversial it is (although perhaps the latter applies more to trolls in general, and to libertarian trolls in particular).

Libertarians will say whatever they can get away with saying, usually to justify non-aggression against individuals for speaking, and non-violently recommending solutions through their speech, in the first place.

So, “the libertarian position on abortion and baby starving” is not one, but multiple. Its consistency is situational, subjective, and subject to external conditions. The degree of the validity of the position is in the eye of the beholder, i.e., the interlocutor who is being urged to support a libertarian person or a libertarian-supported position. This holds true whether libertarians are defending the proposition that parents have no intrinsic responsibility to feed their children, or whether they are defending the proposition that parents absolutely have an intrinsic responsibility to feed their children.

This is because, even if most libertarians do not believe that parents have that obligation, as libertarians they will still defend the right to make such an argument (unless, perhaps, they are taking a hard-core “argumentation ethics” / “estoppel discourse” stance, advocated by the likes of Stefan Molyneux, Stephan Kinsella, and Hans-Hermann Hoppe), and they will also defend the right of parents to choose to feed their children.

I'm certain that there are libertarians who would jump at the chance to be simultaneously more pro-baby and more anti-baby than liberals and leftists; even those who agree with Molyneux, Kinsella, and Hoppe, that nobody should be estopped from articulating a position unless it poses a clear and present danger of specific, immediate harm. I, of course, am one of them, as I will illustrate in my next piece, “Baby Starving Rothbardians, Part 3: Abortion”, in which I will defend the assertion that I am “pro-choice, yet pro-life”.

 

 

14. Parenting as Slavery

 

Those on the extreme Left might well argue that “not only do parents have an obligation to feed their children, they also have an obligation to feed all children, and all people in general”. However, they may be likely to refrain from accepting the idea that the phrase “their own children” denotes parental ownership of children, and promotes what they see as a fabricated, socially-constructed nuclear family that is authoritarian, propertarian, and the result of the modern production system reproducing itself in social culture. To make this mistake, as well as to advocate communal “ownership” of children, is to fall for the very same patriarchal and capitalistic cultural and economic attitudes which they are supposed to abhor.

I would even venture to surmise that, in the eyes of at least some leftists, adults have an obligation to take care of everyone, except for their own children. Specifically, those who would be likely to believe such a thing, are those who have examined the consistency of “their own” beliefs the least; especially those who view care for the remainder of society as a sacrosanct positive imperative, but also that care for children should be a communal responsibility, with no particular intrinsic relationship between a child and his or her actual biological parents being necessary to justify which adults feed and care for which children.

That is why, in my opinion, the idea that a liberal or leftist position on feeding babies might be somehow both more humane and more consistent than Rothbard's position, is profoundly ludicrous. I imagine that liberals and leftists who find their conservative and fascist children eating them out of house and home, and practicing non-leftist lifestyles, may well find themselves in the position to decide for themselves (individual decision-making, gasp!) whether they have any particular obligation to feed “their own” children, and indeed to feed and care for the children of anyone else with whom those children associate.

 

 

15. Hospitals!

 

The notions that we have an obligation to take care of and feed our own children, that “we have the responsibility to feed other people's children, as well as other adults”, and that “we become obligated to feed our children once we've taken them home to the hospital”, are both assumptions which simply do not stand up to scrutiny; from neither conservative, liberal or far-leftist, or libertarian perspectives.

Take “we become obligated to feed our child once we've taken it home to the hospital” for instance. Babies are not always born at hospitals; they may be born in the home, or in a taxicab, or outdoors, the childbirth monitored by cab drivers, unlicensed nurses, midwives, doulas, et cetera.

Moreover, it is not a hospital's job to ensure that you will feed your baby perfectly and forever; this is because, if and when hard times occur (such as times marked by food shortages, famines, droughts, and interruptions in the flow of goods in trade and commerce), the hospital might not necessarily be better equipped to feed babies than any particular parent or set of parents.

Hospitals may even, in fact, recommend extreme treatments and “care” that would keep parents away from their children, and even unfree and unable to take care of them, based on the idea that only medical professionals are sufficiently well-equipped to take care of a child, to the exclusion of the parents' visitation and to the isolation of the patient. So if “society” has a responsibility to ensure that children are fed, well-fed, and have every medical test and procedure available to them, then hospitals might as well never allow us to leave, and health care and insurance costs might as well be allowed to continue to spiral out of control.

There is no guarantee that hospitals, or the community, or the government or state, will take better care of children than their biological or adoptive parents. In today's America, babies are left to die everywhere; they are left to starve to death in private homes, and left to starve and bleed to death in hospitals (after they've become “patients” of “post-birth abortion”).

 

 

16. Who Will Starve the Baby Starvers!?

 

But this does not mean that “we” “should” refrain from attempting to punish a parent who knowingly allows his child to starve to death, especially when he knew the child was incapable of feeding himself. As long as “we” are not the state, the act of beating up a libertarian who starves his baby would only inspire confused babbling in the libertarian; no action is to be feared from such an individual.

Furthermore, the libertarian understands that – as Michael Badnarik said, and as Jesus and Abbie Hoffman seemed to have understood – “the threat of force is more effective than the actual use of force.” Initiating physical aggression against such a person would only serve to encourage him and cause him to believe that he is morally right to continue neglecting his child, because now he is being oppressed.

For, to reiterate, as Rothbard said (italics mine): “the parent should have the legal right not to feed the child” ... “whether or not a parent has a moral rather than a legally enforceable obligation to keep his child alive is a completely separate question.” Therefore, a libertarian may possess the right to starve his children, but not to worry; all people still possess the right to attempt to starve that person (that is, the libertarian; the baby starver), as a form of punishment, ostracism, and social boycott.

To neglect such a person – to refuse to help him, and to withhold food from him – absolutely does not violate the libertarian idea that nobody has any responsibility to take care of any other particular person, outside of his own volition, as long as nobody undertakes any positive action to prevent him from obtaining (growing, buying, trading, etc.) food for himself. Moreover, the right to neglect such a person, and the right to neglect a child, derive from the same liberty; the freedom from association.

 

 

17. Starvation and Natural Resources

 

“We” may well desire to, through our own voluntary association, attempt to “enforce” an obligation to protect all viable and potentially independent life, but we will soon remember that you cannot guarantee a right which is subject to the external conditions imposed by nature, such as uncertainty about the size of crop yields during harvests.

A positive right to food does not exist without 1) the complete elimination of food scarcities, both natural and unnatural; and / or 2) an untenable “right” or privilege to take food from others. To reject these realities is to absurdly rebel against the conditions in which one finds oneself, as well as against nature itself; it is to engage in what Albert Camus calls “metaphysical rebellion”.

To those who support redistribution in order to relieve the negative effects of scarcity, I would urge you to consider whether it would constitute aggression or starvation to withhold food from people based on the assumption that there is not enough to go around.

 

As Rothbard explained, when the legal obligation to feed children is removed, the moral obligation to do so will still exist in the mind of everyone who believes that such an obligation exists, whether in the legal sense or not. People may choose to attempt to make verbal and written argumentative appeals to others, in order to get them to believe their own beliefs. But if you leave people unable to choose to do the wrong thing, then you deprive them of the ability to take credit for feeding their children, because they had no choice in the matter.

Behavior and action cannot be moral or immoral without choice, without consciousness of one's own actions, and without at least some ability and attempt to imagine the consequences.

So perhaps nobody can be trusted to take care of children: no matter how much taxpayer money they control; no matter how large a share of resources they control; no matter how, nor how well, they apply the parenting skills they possess. Maybe it should be the responsibility of the parents (whom, unlike their babies, can easily move around) to choose, and make an educated guess on the behalf of their family, whether being aborted, starved to death inside the womb or out, or being adopted, will fuck-up their child's life the least.

 

 

18. Freedom for the Trolls

 

But one question remains: Why are we talking about this? Is it because Rothbard's views are controversial? It would appear so, but no; as I have shown, many liberals, leftists, libertarians, and conservatives, have almost identical views on abortion and baby starving (or, at least, have views which are identically worthy of ridicule).

We are talking about this, rather, because libertarianism is becoming popular, and because many people are surprised that not all libertarians are pro-life, and also because the issue of “what is the libertarian position on abortion?" needs to be discussed, in order for libertarianism to have a chance to be taken seriously by the two major political parties (Democratic and Republican) and political ideological tendencies (progressive / liberal, and conservative) in the United States.

But more to the point: “Why are we talking about this; nobody is debating legalizing starving babies for real in modern politics, nor even suggesting that juries should be more lenient towards parents who allow their children to starve to death.”

Of course, I will make the argument that allowing babies to starve is within our natural rights, and should not be infringed. But I do so not for political nor legal reasons, only for the purposes of ethical philosophy, entertainment, and expanding the libertarian trolling repertoire.

Some day when people are not so irresponsible and intellectually lazy that they become hypocritical, and afraid of free speech and philosophy, maybe the Baby Starving Principle can be put into action and become popularly accepted.

 

 

19. Babies Feed Themselves

 

Additionally, I must reiterate that Rothbard explained that there is no natural, intrinsic, non-consensual obligation to feed a baby, as long as one does not actively prevent the baby from accessing and consuming food.

I mean, have you ever seen a baby pick up some food and eat it? Why, yes, yes you have. And if the child is capable of doing that, then eating is within his natural rights, and should not be curtailed. And many libertarians would say, that right should not be actively protected or enhanced by anyone else, certainly not the government, and certainly not without the consent of the baby or child.

 

 

20. Fuck Child Labor Laws

 

Another point: Rothbard also accuses child labor laws of giving adults an unfair advantage over children in the job market. Can it not be said that the prohibition of child labor has prevented children from working to earn and purchase their own food?

Can it not be said that the state enforces laws which make it difficult for children of farmers to work the fields, harvesting and butchering their own food, without getting paid some arguably arbitrary minimum wage, and without being allowed to work more than some arguably equally arbitrary maximum number of hours per day and / or per week?

“A parent ought to be obligated to feed his child”, you might say, but what if the food is sitting out in the field right in front of the house, and the child is sufficiently old, strong, and skilled to harvest the food by himself if he wants to eat it? If the farmer's labor alone is insufficient to provide all the food that his family needs, then shouldn't he send his children to bed without dinner if they don't do enough work to help him harvest and slaughter the crops and livestock in the fields? Yes, he should! He should say “I don't have any responsibility to feed you! The food is sitting right out there in the field! If you want to eat it, then go get it!”

 

Furthermore, how many people who are currently in their fifties and older, whom support child labor laws, but also hypocritically boast that they started working menial jobs, and selling small items for extraordinarily low prices, when they were well under the age of fourteen (the current minimum age to work part-time jobs in the U.S.), and also criticize young people for not having sufficient job experience to earn the unpaid experience with which they want to pay such young people?

 

 

21. You Can Get a Lot of Money for a Baby

 

Finally, you might be wondering, in the absence of a state – and, therefore, in the absence of a default party to prosecute on behalf of the now-dead plaintiff (read: baby) – if a parent, or set of parents, starves a baby, who brings the charges against the parents?

The answer is, of course, that the charges would be filed by whomever agrees to sign a privately enforceable contract to buy, kill, and eat the baby! It would be, as Rothbard said “a free baby market”, after all.

And as Rothbard continues, this “will bring such [']neglect['] down to a minimum”; we may infer that this means that whomever buys the right to eat the baby, will have the incentive to keep the baby fat and well-fed, and therefore at its most delicious, paradoxically solving the problem of legally permitted baby starving, yet simultaneously making it worse.

There’s some food for thought.

 

 

22. Conclusion

 

While leftists, liberals, and conservatives struggle to contend with Rothbard's provocative views on abortion and parenting, and as they try to take libertarians seriously, they should keep in mind that libertarians are individualists who don't need other people to take them seriously in order to feel self-assured.

They are true philosophers at heart, and devoted defenders of free speech. They will not cower at the feet of the politically correct, nor of the "moral majority", nor will they sacrifice their freedoms and ideals at the altar of those who are so obsessed with compromise that they stand for nothing and come to abhor the consistent, the original, and the unique.

 

I hope this has been enlightening to libertarians and non-libertarians alike.

 

 

 

Bibliography:

 
1.      “The Horror of Rothbardian Natural Rights” at socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.com; socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.

com/2012/06/horror-of-rothbardian-natural-rights.html?m=1

 
2.      “Children’s Rights versus Murray Rothbard’s The Ethics of Liberty” by John Walker of Libertarians for Life, at l4l.org; www.l4l.org/library/chilroth.html

 
3.      “Murray Rothbard, Libertarianism, and Why Children Are Not Simply Houseguests” by KevinCK of edphilosopher.wordpress.com; edphilosopher.wordpress.com/
2010/02/01/murray-rothbard-libertarianism-and-why-children-are-not-simply-houseguests/










Originally Written between
Late September and October 14th, 2014

 Expanded on November 9th, 2015

 Edited on January 10th, 2015,
January 25th, 2016,
and October 6th, 2021

How to Fold Two Square Pieces of Card Stock into a Box

      This series of images shows how to take two square pieces of card stock (or thick paper), and cut and fold them into two halves of a b...