Showing posts with label means of production. Show all posts
Showing posts with label means of production. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 19, 2022

Political Infographics, 2015-2018

 



"Georgist (and Basic Income) Alphabet Soup"
2014








"Freed Markets"
2015








"Left-Wing Market Anarchism vs. Right-Wing Market Anarchism"
2017








"Now When You Say Socialism...?"
(detailing eighteen different ways to define socialism)
2017









"How Libertarian Socialism is Possible"
2018



Click, and open in new tab or window, or download
in order to enlarge / see in full resolution




Created by Joe Kopsick between 2015 and 2018
Compiled and published on April 19th, 2022









Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Why Libertarian Socialists Belong in the Libertarian Movement and the Libertarian Party


     Libertarianism and the left, far from being irreconciliable, are one and the same; libertarian socialism is not an oxymoron.
     Libertarian socialism hearkens back to the traditions of 19th century European liberalism; back in the days of Joseph deJacque, the anarchist of the 1848 Paris Commune. Back when classical liberalism and calls for revolutionary socialism were all lumped together as part of “the left”, and back when classical liberal Frederic Bastiat and mutualist-anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon served together on the left of the French National Assembly.
     Libertarian socialists aim for the dissolution of the state, as well as all hierarchical and exploitative economic structures which the enforcement of the state's power supports. Libertarian socialists support mutually beneficial voluntary exchange; and as free, direct, open, and egalitarian negotiation (on employment and contracts and other forms of decision-making), as possible. Libertarian socialists support the achievement of socialism through peaceful means, but also recognize that achieving justice against an intrinsically self-serving and violent government, often requires acting without the support of the law.
     Libertarian socialists believe in abolishing the state, organized and legalized violence, monopoly, and relationships of domination and hierarchy in the economy. These relationships of domination include landowner over land and nature, polluting business over community, landlords over tenants, bosses over employees, lenders over borrowers, and elected representative over voter. Libertarian socialists aim to create a society which is absolutely free, but also as equal as possible (without sacrificing liberty), just as voluntaryists and libertarians of the right do.


     Liberty from the state, and equality within that liberty, make libertarian socialism. Libertarian socialists want to see people so absolutely free, that they are equal in that total liberty, and thus have equality of opportunity. Guaranteeing equality of outcome, however, would take the “libertarian” out of “libertarian socialism”, and that would be against our values; libertarian socialism is thus not inconsistent with the traditional entrepreneurial libertarian value of freedom of opportunity (and equality within that opportunity).
     That is what I and other libertarian socialists believe, and that is why we feel that there is a place for libertarian socialists within the libertarian movement and the Libertarian Party. We are in the movement to help make sure that voters (and non-voting lovers of freedom) understand that libertarians do not want to fetishize, or over-prioritize, capitalism, private property, competition, markets, trade, or money. If the Libertarian Party regards its economic ideology as capitalist, rather than supporting free markets, it is making a choice for potential voters, which they should and must have the right to make for themselves when we have a free society. That choice is the choice of which economic system (or systems) one will live under.
     A stateless society will feature a multitude of economic systems, because the structures which keep the current system enforced, cannot continue to be supported without resorting to legalized violence (i.e., state action). That's why, when the state is gone, we will see not only free markets in defense and security (because the power to make large-scale military contracts with legally stolen taxpayer money will be gone), we will also have a free market in economic systems. We will also have a free market in "self-governance", i.e., freedom of choice over who resolves our disputes. and ensures that we abide by voluntary contracts.
     That is why I and other libertarian socialists believe that the Libertarian Party should not designate an economic system. I would prefer that the L.P. cease supporting “capitalism” in name, and instead declare that we support free markets. Alternatives which I would accept, include: 1) a declaration that we are neutral on economic issues not having to do with the state; 2) a declaration that we are open to all so-called “heterodox” (or non-traditional) schools of economics; or 3) a declaration that we support either classical liberalism, laissez-faire economics, or entrepreneurialism.
     Whatever we choose, it must be abundantly clear that we do not oppose cooperative enterprise. Anyone who believes that a private, for-profit business can be self-governing, should be able to admit that a cooperative enterprise can be self-governing too. And when all enterprises become self-governing - and are directed by a free, open, and direct as possible negotiation between their workers and clients/customers - external government of economic affairs will no longer be necessary.


     Only when we are free to improve land and keep whatever we build and grow on it, will we all be fully free to enjoy the benefits of liberty and property. We cannot simply resolve to support “property rights”, by supporting the existing set of property claims (many of which are unfounded, undeserved, and supported by the violent enforcement of outdated government laws). The libertarian socialists are in the movement because libertarians should want everyone to have property, and own businesses (if that's what they want in life), if the movement is to be taken seriously as having realistic solutions to poverty.
     If the federal government did not own or manage any land outside of the District of Columbia, then the third of Western American lands which it owns and manages, would fall to the states and/or private owners. If assurances can be made that vulnerable lands won't be exploited, then the amount of area suitable for development will increase. With more land available, the price of land will decrease. And since all labor and capital which you can mix together, has to be mixed together on land, with the price of land low, the costs of developing that land, including by hiring people to work on it, will also decrease.
     This is how abolishing the state, and undeserved claims over wide swaths of land, will eventually lead to low prices on everything, and potentially even zero cost for land. The same effects, in terms of price decreases, will also be felt when and if our market systems are used as they were intended; our markets need an injection of price competition and the clearing of markets, so that prices can naturally fall, without governmental economic intervention being necessary to achieve those price decreases.
     The last hundred and fifty years of discourse in political economy has been consumed with petty squabbles between the representatives of the interests of labor and capital. But neither capital nor labor will be free - nor will they be able to deal with one another on fair or free terms - until the land beneath them is respected. An injustice anywhere is an injustice everywhere; none of us will be free as long as the majority of the people with whom we are interacting, are unfree. Each of us ought to be free to join any union (and as many unions) as we please (on a voluntary basis). Also, we must each be free to become independent contractors, which maximizes our power to negotiate in a direct manner.


     The more people who are independent contractors, and the more people who own their own home - and the less restrictive zoning laws we have – the more people there are who can work at home. When people can work without leaving home, they can protect their own house and family (instead of somebody else's), and teach the next generation how to inherit their skills. And the more people who work at home and own their own home, the more people can build and grow whatever they want on their own property, and keep all the products of it (without paying taxes or rent). And the more people can depend on themselves, the less likely it will be that they will have to resort to leaving their own property, selling their labor, selling their products, participating in markets, or trading, or using money or currency, or participating in economic activity at all. Post-scarcity economics is possible now, because we have abundance, and most if not all economic activities could easily be made unnecessary.
     Only once we can build and grow what we please on our own property, and once competition is fully optional, will competition be fully free. A free market, in a stateless society, will feature total freedom to compete, as well as to cooperate, and cooperatively own. Total freedom to compete, includes the right to compete against the established predator multinationals which exist today, and which thrive off of taxpayer-funded subsidies, favors, grants of monopoly status (such as patents), and other privileges and protections (such as contractual and legal protections from economic competition and responsibility for their crimes and frauds).
     Corrupt, monopolistic, and rent-seeking firms will likely never be held responsible through the law, and so they must be held responsible through the market; through both competition by all producers against monopolies, and cooperation with other producers with the intent of driving the corrupt monopolists out of business.


     When large numbers of
 families do not own the homes they live in, and can have their shelter or warmth taken away through a landlord's selfishness or negligence – or through a boss's corruption - humanity is threatened, and the system is condoning child abuse. We must never allow ourselves to become dependent upon anyone whom we would not trust to take care of our families as we would. And that is why nobody who works should be dependent upon a boss (or a machine he doesn't at least partially own, or land in which he doesn't have stake and interest) for survival.
     And once it is no longer necessary for anyone to rent or borrow means of production (i.e., farms, factories, workplaces, and large difficult to move machines), then all economic rents (including rent, interest, profit, and usury) will disappear. We can have a stateless economy which is “privatized” in its statelessness, but that does not have to mean that the economy must be oriented towards extracting as much surplus profit as possible. Expecting each person to be independent, can only work with enough voluntary association and coordination, to make sure that the purchasing power of the poor and needy are maximized, so that the poor can afford what they need to live.
     We can and must achieve a free market system that is so radically and totally free, that the potential of the poor to build and grow and receive what they need, is not predicated on their ability to beg for scraps while their work is deliberately undervalued so as to keep them in dependence forever. A vision of society which allows that is unfree, and thus cannot rightfully be described as featuring a free market or a free economy.




Written on November 6th and 7th, 2019
Published on November 7th, 2019

Wednesday, September 5, 2018

What Liberals and Conservatives Both Get Wrong About Socialism and Communism

     On July 24th, 2018, on ABC's The View, co-hosts Joy Behar and Meghan McCain had a heated exchange about socialism, in which McCain criticized the “normalization” of socialism which she felt is coming from supporters of Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders and New York U.S. House candidate Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, often described as “democratic socialists”.
      McCain, the daughter of late senator John McCain, claimed that socialism has never worked, asserted that Venezuela's problems stem from socialism, and said that Democrats will lose if they continue to run “radicals” like Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez. McCain also echoed late British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's line that “the problem with socialism is that, sooner or later, you run out of other people's money”.
     When McCain challenged Joy Behar to name a country in which socialism has worked, Behar surmised that Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez admires the “socialism” attempted in Scandinavian countries, rather than the Chavista variety in Venezuela (which Nicolas Maduro is trying to carry on). As examples of such European “socialist” countries, Behar named Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland, and Iceland. After that, the two debated tax rates and the Trump tax cuts.

     Although Behar is correct to point out that those five countries are doing better than Venezuela, the countries Behar named are not socialist. They merely administer some socialist-inspired social programs. In reality, no European country is fully “socialist”. Until Catalonia becomes independent, it will be difficult to argue that there is a true socialist state in Europe.
     However, you could argue that the "communism" of the Soviet Union still exists, and never went away. The tiny nation of Transnistria never shed all of the Soviet symbols on its flag, passport, nor many of its buildings. Transnistria, also called Pridnestrovie, straddles the Dniester River between Moldova and Ukraine. Transnistria declared independence as a "communist" Soviet socialist republic in 1990, but the following year, it became an ordinary republic. It is now governed by a liberal-conservative (or center-right) regime, and is not officially communist, nor Soviet. However, it is not a state, because it is not recognized as a state by the United Nations. Transnistria is only recognized by three nations which, themselves, also lack U.N. recognition. Moldova considers Transnistria part of its territory, despite the language differences between the two regions. Although Transnistria is arguably occupied by Russian "peacekeeping" forces, it is considered wholly self-governing.
     Many opponents of the welfare state criticize the British N.H.S. (National Health Service) for being "socialized medicine", while also describing the same program as a case of "nationalized health care". The United Kingdom, and the various European political and economic and trade alliances, are commonwealths (at least in name). However, British and European commonwealth feature much more free trade, and nationalization (that is, centralized administration of social programs) than they feature socialization or communization. But on the other hand, it would be difficult to argue that the so-called “Euro-socialist” nations are any different from that model (mostly because the majority of them are in those economic unions). To be clear, the purpose of mentioning commonwealths and Bolshevik "communism" in the same breath, is not to describe each of them as communist, and therefore the same or similar; but rather the point is to distinguish them.
     Norway, on the other hand, practices what is called the “Nordic model”. "Sovereign wealth funds", as they are sometimes called, are funds maintained for the people, collected through the taxation of profits from the sale of oil (or revenues from the sale of energy exploration permits). A similar system is in place in the so-called "owner state" of Alaska (the Alaska Permanent Fund). It could be argued that similar programs were attempted in Venezuela and Libya, in that those states attempted to nationalize their oil reserves and energy sectors. Why is it that the nationalization of energy sources by non-white countries gets described as "socialism" which merits American bombs being dropped, but when an American state and one of our northern European ally do the same thing, it's "public ownership" that's deemed perfectly compatible with capitalist private property norms and the conservative conception of republicanism?
     Denmark and Iceland score much higher on economic equality indices than the United States does, but they also score significantly higher on economic freedom, so their high level of economic freedom make them difficult to describe as socialist. The term “Euro-socialism” does not adequately describe even the farthest-left European nations. The terms “neoliberalism”, “social market economy”, “tripartism”, “Rhine capitalism”, and “Ordoliberalism” (German for “new liberalism”), are all better descriptors.
     It is important not to mistake the mere presence of a social safety net, however large or robust it is, for socialism. As an internet meme explains, the definition of socialism is not “when the government does things, and the more things it does, the socialister it is”. Socialism is the management of the means of production by the whole of society. You don't get socialism just by adding social services to a government that protects private property and maintains a capitalist economic system. Similarly, you don't get a socialist firm, just by taking a capitalist management model, and gradually integrating procedures and practices which were merely inspired by cooperative organizations and horizontal associations. That's because the firm will inevitably use those practices to reinforce pro-capitalist views, and to promote the continuation of the hierarchy which remains in the company.
     That is not to say, however, that a capitalist regime cannot integrate leftist-inspired reforms, and even have it work to some degree of success; it can. Franklin D. Roosevelt, for example, drew inspiration for his socialist-inspired policies from an actual socialist named Norman Thomas. Thomas was a student of Henry George, an economist who died during a Democratic run for Mayor of New York in the 1890s, at a time when the Democratic platform focused more on classically liberal concerns like monetary reform and antitrust. Nearly everyone who has drawn influence from F.D.R. or Norman Thomas, is, at least in some small way, a proponent of socialist or socialist-influenced policies.

     Meghan McCain seems concerned that growing the social safety net, and electing people like Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez, could be a slippery slope to 90% taxes and a socialist American regime.
     However, you would be hard pressed to find a socialist who believes in taxing everyone's income at 90%. It would, however, be easy to find a socialist who believes in taxing the wealthiest people only at 90%. In fact, during the F.D.R. and Eisenhower administrations, that was the top marginal tax rate (although the effective rate was much lower). So it's not as though a 90% top marginal tax rate is completely unprecedented in American history.
     Additionally, growing the social safety net is an attempt to avoid socialism, by compromising with capitalism instead of replacing it, abolishing it, finding alternatives to it, or finding other ways to render it obsolete. Attempts at “state socialism”, such as the one that existed under Otto von Bismarck, tried to create a robust welfare state to moderate the excesses of capitalism; not a socialist program to replace capitalism.
     Moreover, socialists – at least Marxists, and other socialists who want socialism to result in stateless communism – do not want taxes or money in the first place. A pure communist society would be classless, as well as moneyless and stateless. Socialists would have a difficult time trying to tax people if neither money nor the state existed.
     Additionally, some socialists – libertarian socialists, and social anarchists, for example – do not even want to utilize state power. Marx and Lenin both criticized the political social democrats of their times as “gradualists” and “reformists”, and even as “social chauvinists” and “revisionists” of Marxism, due to their rejection of revolution, in favor of reform. People like Rosa Luxemburg and Karl and Wilhelm Liebknecht were open to both, but that's another discussion.
     All of this should help show that democratic socialists, and progressives, like Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez, are not socialists, nor are the “Euro-socialist” countries. To call them socialists is to give them too much credit for being revolutionary and radical, and also makes us think that a truly revolutionary regime could simply be voted into power overnight, through the same mechanisms of electoral legitimacy which previously kept them in chains. As Emma Goldman said, “If voting changed anything, they'd make it illegal.”

     Contrary to Meghan McCain's claim, Venezuela is not socialist. Venezuela is collapsing not because of socialism, but because of the effects of oil prices collapsing (after nationalizing oil profits). The existence of the nation, the profits, and the taxation of those profits in the first place, all indicate that Venezuela is a capitalist country, not a socialist one.
     The Venezuelan government is doing little to fight organized crime; this is a problem that is no indicator of either socialism or capitalism. Another reason that Venezuela's problems are not the fault of socialism, is that one major reason for the country's food shortages is that international food and toilet paper monopolies have thus far refused to lower their prices to something that Venezuelans can afford. One more reason that Venezuela is not socialist is that it has not yet abolished private property in the means of production.
     Similarly, Cuba is not socialist; because it is bringing private ownership of the means of production back. Neither Cuba nor Venezuela are socialist, additionally, because Raul Castro and Nicolas Maduro both seem to have autocratic ambitions. No socialist society can last as long as they put too much trust in, or give too much power to, an autocrat; not Venezuelan nor Cuban society, not Russian society, not American society.
     Yet oddly, President Trump is enabling and buddying-up to autocratic strongmen around the world, while trying to stare them down (as if to consume their power). I predict that the more people notice this autocratic behavior from the president, and the more people come to see measures like farm aid to fix ill effects of tariffs, the more people we will see describing Trump as a socialist. I am not saying, however, that Trump actually is a socialist for supporting farm aid; I'm only saying that most Americans view farm aid as a better example of a “socialist” social service than the tariffs (but in reality, both of those measures are simply bailouts for different industries.
     Cuba, China, North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos are often referred to as “the last remaining communist countries”, but in reality they have not achieved full communism, because the state remains, and because they have not undertaken any real steps to abolish money or currency. Additionally, North Korea has distanced itself from Marxism-Leninism, and North Korea and China clearly have no intention of allowing their state apparati to wither away (in the fashion of Engels).
     Both that insistence on retaining state power, and the insistence on socialist reform through legitimate electoral victory, are revisionist distortions of each Marxism and most radically anti-statist socialist schools of thought.

     Many conservatives, capitalists, and anti-socialists in general, would like you to believe that these five “communist nations” are the best examples of communism or socialism. Additionally, that you should be very afraid, if the United States ever becomes socialist; because similar outcomes will be the inevitable result. However, that is not the case.
     The Soviet Union (U.S.S.R.; Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) is not the best example of communism, nor of socialism. Nor is it the only example of either of those systems; far from it. Many reforms inspired by Marxism or socialism have been tried, to varying degrees of success. But the Soviet “communism” of the Bolsheviks was not full anarcho-communism. because they did not attempt to abolish money, nor the state. They only attempted to abolish private ownership of the means of production, and the only thing they fully collectivized was the farms.
     Early on, the U.S.S.R. made great achievements in the fields of agriculture; industrialization; aeronautics; and the rights of women, gays, and working people. However, critics of the U.S.S.R. called Stalin's regime “state monopoly capitalism”, believing that the autocracy and the state-directed economic planning of the regime, merely replaced the feudalism and the tsardom of old Russia with a new tsar (in Stalin) and an authoritarian government, bent on economic control every bit as much as the capitalistic, feudalist, and monarchist regime which preceded it. In fact, that autocracy took hold of the U.S.S.R. less than two years after the Bolsheviks took power.
     Better examples of socialism than the Soviet Union, China, Venezuela and Cuba – that is, examples of libertarian socialism, not authoritarian socialism - include the Paris Commune of 1871. The Paris Commune lasted two months, succumbing to defeat due to collaboration between French and Prussian governments which had previously been fighting one another. More recent examples of libertarian socialism working out for some period of time, include the regions of Catalonia and Aragon in Spain in the 1930s; the Mondragon Cooperative Corporation in Mondragon, Spain, since the 1950s; and the semi-autonomous Kurdish region of Rojava in Turkey over the last decade, where a women's military column seeks to establish Bookchinist libertarian communalism.
     It is ironic that some supporters of Israel criticize socialism from a conservative standpoint, while simultaneously extolling the virtues of the current regime governing the State of Israel (now under the leadership of Benjamin Netanyahu and the right-wing Likud party). I say that because the modern Israeli nation arguably began as a decentralized network of autonomous, libertarian, anarchist communes (that is, the kibbutzim). To the extent to which they were self-governing, and independent from Arab rule, it could even be argued that pre-independence Israel was practically stateless. Additionally, the State of Israel's first prime ministers were Labor Zionists; whereas Benjamin Netanyahu and the rest of the Likud party are the legacy of the rise of the Israeli right wing during the 1970s and 1980s. Some may criticize the kibbutzim as a failure of communism, but they are part of Israeli heritage nonetheless, and to what extent libertarian socialism is to blame for their failings is open for debate.

     As we might expect, many people struggle, through all this, to understand what socialism actually is. In my opinion, the best definition is “the management of the means of production – land and natural resources, farms, factories and plants, productive machines, etc. - by the whole of society”.
     Often, management of the means of production by “workers”, “collectives”, or “cooperatives” is given as the definition of socialism, as opposed to “societal management”. So too are “worker ownership” and "worker control".
     However, I feel that to refer to “workers”, “collectives”, and “cooperatives” - as well as to “ownership” or "control" - is to imply that socialism would involve the same types of exclusion and domination which are characteristic of private property ownership under capitalism. Ownership of resources by some particular group, stands in stark contrast to management by the whole of society. A vision of “socialism” which is not inclusive of all members of “society” is not true socialism; it is workerism, or collectivism, or cooperativism, or a state of ownership or control.
     That is not to say, however, that securing ownership or control of means of production by workers, collectives, or cooperatives, wouldn't make societal management more likely; in some cases, it almost certainly would help make that possible. But it is no guarantee.
     Right-libertarians will sometimes strawman the position of libertarian socialists, by assuming that they believe cooperative ownership to be the same thing as socialism. Right-libertarians say that libertarian socialists should not expect to be able to achieve a socialist society through their own actions, because right-libertarians believe a socialist society necessarily involves socialism everywhere. But additionally, right-libertarians will conveniently "forget" this idea immediately, when they realize that it doesn't fit the narrative of another critique of socialism they make; that libertarian socialists can achieve the society they want, simply by earning property under the onerous conditions of capitalism, and then by pooling what little property they manage to scrape together.
     That is not socialism, nor is it a state of liberty. It is "socialism", but only on the conditions set by capitalists. Right-libertarians, on the other hand, would probably never accept "capitalism" spelled out according to socialists' terms.

     Believe it or not, markets are not incompatible with socialism. Economic systems like Mutualism, Georgism, and left-wing market-anarchism (also called free-market anti-capitalism) - and, most importantly, market socialism - prove this. That's because each of those systems would retain market systems and voluntary exchange, while aiming to increase collective and cooperative ownership until most property is collectively owned. Indeed, that was the idea behind Deng Xiaopeng's reforms which China administered during the 1980s (to much economic success).
     Competition is not as necessary as we think it is. First, because cooperation is always a more equitable method of distributing and allocating resources than competition is, whether the resources are nearly scarce or extremely scarce. But secondly, distribution and allocation are themselves not as necessary as we think they are, because not as many resources that we think are scarce, are actually scarce. Abundant goods do not need to be distributed, nor allocated, in the first place; not by government, not by markets. When economizing is unnecessary, economics is unnecessary. That is, allocation and distribution become unnecessary when people realize that a good is so abundant that there is no logical reason to charge anybody anything for it.
     Those who believe “free-market capitalism” and “socialism” are incompatible – often because “if you want something, you're supposed to work for it – are wrong in their assessment. Nature gives us all the “free stuff” that we need to survive. Government isn't the only way to get free stuff, despite what conservatives say. There's nothing about “free markets” that says people have to be against free stuff, nor against freely taking what's freely given. A world in which nobody is free to receive something they didn't work for, would be a world in which nobody is free to give gifts to other people.
     Furthermore, if you understand anything about markets and the pricing mechanism, free markets are supposed to result in “free stuff” (that is, if they're allowed to work properly). If speculation were eliminated or punished or deterred, and markets were allowed to clear, then everyone could afford what they need. No good whose supply far outweighs the demand for it – like housing – needs to be economized; because it's abundant, not scarce. Nothing matching this description ought to exist on a for-profit market mode.
     Low-price and zero-cost goods can be achieved through eliminating unnecessary government measures, and letting the market work the way it is supposed to. Specifically, through eliminating corporate subsidies and unnecessary sales taxes, reducing the terms of patent protections, and letting technology take its course. And by technology taking its course, I mean allowing automation to develop; thus unleashing mass production to produce goods more cheaply each day, by reducing both production costs and the demand for manual labor.
     Jeremy Rifkin has written a book called The Zero Marginal Cost Society on the topic of technology improving production, and Kevin Carson's article "Who Owns the Benefit?: The Free Market as Full Communism" touches on similar themes. Additionally, numerous other libertarian authors have weighed-in on the stifling effect of intellectual property laws on technological innovation, including Gary Chartier (who has come to many of the same conclusions as Carson and Rifkin) as well as Stephan Kinsella.
     Competition supposedly offers an “incentive” to do better than others, but in reality it only affords the winner special privileges; including, all too often, the privilege of becoming the only game in town: the oxymoronic “only competitor” and “only choice”.
     As long as workers are somehow compensated for the loss in jobs due to automation (which I hope would occur through ownership of their own tools, part ownership in their workplace, and personal 3-D printer ownership) – and as long as cooperation and competition are free, technology and automation are allowed to flourish, and patent law is either nonexistent or not too restrictive – competition to provide better products at lower costs will not result in harm to workers.
     Additionally, the rise of automation may also result in robotic assistants in the home, which could lead to reduced stresses on the body, as well as other health benefits, and savings of health costs, which would come with that. If our wants can be ordered without invading our privacy, and delivered to us by machines that are designed not to be our rivals for any resources we need to survive, then mass production and automatic distribution working together will significantly reduce the need to travel in order to shop, as well as the need to work hard (or at all) in order to acquire one's needs and wants.
     The result, and lesson, of all this, is that - eventually - free markets lead to free stuff.

     Many conservatives, and even right-libertarians, will claim that “socialists don't respect private property”; or that they don't respect individual rights, nor free markets, nor have any concern for big government coming to tax us. But the
opposite is actually the case.
     Socialists care more about private property than capitalists do; because socialists believe that people have the right to the full product of their labor. In an odd sense, the propertyless care more about property than the propertied; for the simple reason that “absence makes the heart grow fonder” (or, more appropriately, absenteeism of private property ownership).
     Additionally, socialists – or, at least, libertarian socialists - care more about individual rights than libertarians do, because socialists believe that people are better than to sell themselves into wage-slavery conditions and long employment contracts. If you believe that you “own” “your” body, and that owning that property is important, then why would you believe that it should be permissible, or even possible, to alienate yourself from your property (by selling or renting your body, or the work of your hands, to another)? Isn't it theft to take the earnings of another through labor, for the same reason it is wrong to take another's earnings through enslavement or taxes? Furthermore, what jury, in a free world, would agree to make a contract binding which compels a person to labor for another for decades or more?
     Socialists care more about free markets than capitalists do, because socialists reject the subsidies, bailouts, corporate privileges, and special favors which distort the free market. And socialists care more than libertarians do about the fact that “taxation is theft”, because of all of those protections, privileges, and favors.
     These special favors and privileges include intellectual property protections, legal and financial L.L.C. protections, police protection, utilities discounts, and professional regulations that unfairly put their competitors at an advantage. These favors would not exist without people begging government to use force on their behalf - force against hard-working taxpayers – and moreover, it would be easy to argue that they are not even constitutional in the first place.
     Libertarians, and libertarian socialists alike, rightfully regard the mechanism which pays for those processes as based on theft. Especially considering that working taxpayers are occasionally obligated to buy the products of some of the firms their taxes help keep afloat (through purchase mandates and taxpayer funded subsidies, while those firms enjoy impunity while discriminating against people who have no ability to fully discriminate against them by withdrawing their tax money.

     It is true that drastically lowering taxes - or even eliminating them altogether, by eliminating the state's power to tax and spend – could help solve these problems (and make those subsidies disappear in the first place). However, it is also true that workers are exploited, through surplus profit and wage theft, such that the value taken from the worker by bosses and managers, as well as landlords, is much greater than the value extracted by the government through taxes anyway.





Originally Written on July 4
th, 20th, 26th, and 27th, and August 1st through 4th, and 6th, 2018
Edited and Expanded Between September 4th and 6th, 2018
Edited on December 5th, 2018

Tuesday, June 26, 2018

Anarcho-Capitalist Incels

     “AnCap incels” are “involuntarily celibate” Anarcho-capitalists; that is, radically pro-private property individuals who believe themselves to be anarchists, and feel that they have been made celibate against their will (involuntarily).
     The only reason that male heterosexual AnCap incels are not socialists is that they know socialists would not "collectivize the means of reproduction" - as they often joke, and secretly hope - in addition to collectivizing the means of production (factories, farms, factory farms, etc.).
     They assume that their enemies, the socialists, view everything as a resource to be distributed equitably among the people, and also that the socialists consider women "things" like AnCap incels consider them. But they're wrong to assume these things; they make these assumptions due to projection and transference, in hopes that they'll find a socialist who will admit a desire to collectivize or redistribute access to (or ownership of) women.
     If socialists delivered on this “equitable distribution of reproduction” – the AnCap incels' crucial selling point - and assigned a mate (read: sex slave) to each "involuntarily celibate" person (read: person who isn't getting laid but thinks they're entitled to sex), then these AnCap incels would start calling themselves socialists.
     In truth, AnCap incels are traitors to the cause of the free market, because they refuse to allow themselves to be subjected to the ordinary forces of the so-called “dating market” or “sexual marketplace” . That is, they refuse to subject themselves to the effects which arise when you're dog-dick ugly and you can't stop talking shit about people who aren't cis men; the demand of you plummets, and since supply change because there's only one of you, your value goes down too.
     AnCaps are not anarchists, because they hate this state, but fantasize about essentially having their own personal state. They want to replicate all the worst aspects of statism (exclusivity, monopoly, terrritorialism, and legitimate violence) at a microcosmic scale on their own property. AnCaps want to own land and businesses for the specific purpose of excluding people, or else killing people whom they can trick into accidentally trespassing, or overstaying their welcome, on their property. And, if inviting them on, then only in order to interfere with their freedom of travel, and trick them into selling their labor, in order to reap profit at their expense while there. Additionally, sometimes, even to destroy the land for fun, or otherwise ruin it or make it unusable for others (thus destroying something he didn't create).
     AnCap incels are traitors to both socialism and the free market. Real anarchists don't hate communists; they help them shoot fascists. Real anarchists don't treat women as property, they help them shoot rapists, and help them pour acid over half of their family for trying to marry them off to an ugly old incel relative.
     Sex and physical affection are arguably human needs, but anyone who refuses to admit that being born with any human need doesn't obligate any particular person to fulfill that need for someone, is mistaken. To argue otherwise is to suggest that human beings and their bodies are nothing more than dead resources which should be considered up for allocation and distribution according to the whims of the market, to be delivered to the doors of the highest bidders.
     What AnCap incels want borders on sex slavery, arranged marriage, and other forms of forced and coerced sexual relationships. AnCap incels should not be having sex with anybody, much less encouraging legions of young male AnCap incels to go out and meet women, nor especially to attempt to teach anyone about political philosophy. Therefore, for the good of everyone whom AnCap incels want to have sex with, they should stay home, and very literally go fuck themselves, and no one else.



Addendum, Written on September 5th, 2019:

     The problem of incels "thinking all resources held in common, means equal distribution of women as the means of production", bizarrely enough, was dealt with in the actual Communist Manifesto, by Marx and Engels themselves. Granted, they were referring to the bourgeoisie thinking women would be equitably distributed, rather than "incels". But Marx and Engels' critique of the incels' ideas on this topic would probably be the same.
     As quoted from The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels write: "The bourgeois sees his wife [as] a mere instrument of production. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments as production."

     Read the original text at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch02.htm





Originally Written on June 13th, 2018

Edited, Expanded, and Published on June 26th, 2018 and October 20th, 2020
Edited on September 8th, 2021

Addendum Written on September 5th, 2019

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