Showing posts with label organized labor. Show all posts
Showing posts with label organized labor. Show all posts

Thursday, August 7, 2014

Party for Mutualism and Cooperation: 101-Point U.S. Parliament Platform

GENERAL GOALS
  1. Promote cooperation, mutuality, reciprocity, and voluntary action in political society and in interactions between citizens and government.
  2. Promote social purpose, small scale, and locality of enterprise and property ownership.
  3. Build a perfect and complete market free from monopolies and state intervention.
  4. Increase transparency in government.
  5. Build a party that represents the bottom 99%.
  6. Achieve economic independence for the voluntary / cooperative / non-profit “Third Sector”.
  7. Invest in local government (and reduce costs thereof) by networking with non-profit, mutual, cooperative, and community banking, credit, and finance agencies.
  8. Promote mutuality, reciprocity, cooperation, voluntarism, consent, independence, self-sufficiency, and autonomy in interactions between workers and enterprises.
  9. Reduce domestic property losses to foreign banks through increasing local self-determination over banking and investment policies.
  10. Increase the extension of credit to people and businesses.
  11. Improve the access to a wide variety of social, common, and public goods and services, to the homeless and non-homeless alike.
  12. Especially improve the access of housing to the homeless (through reforming homesteading, settling, rental law, etc.).
  13. Grow and promote the self-sustainability of the Third Sector (the sector of voluntarism, cooperation, mutuality, reciprocity, and community).
  14. Allow the peaceful economic secession of bioregionalist states and nations.
  15. Create a peaceful, amicable competition to provide consumers and citizens with the best public, private, common, and club goods.
  16. Build coalitions between independent business alliances, labor unions, trade organizations, economic and industrial unions, social welfare agencies, and charity groups.

GOVERNMENT
  1. Increase voluntary public service, and increase transparency, responsibility, and responsivity between citizens and government.
  2. Increase autonomy and independence of communal, neighborhood, and unincorporated governments and associations.
  3. Increase decentralization, localism, subsidiarity, and diffusion of the authority to make and enforce decisions.
  4. Promote sustainable investment of public funds through credit unions, cooperative and mutual banks, non-profit banks, and independent no-collateral social-purpose financing agencies.
  5. Promote local economic interests through increased cooperation between local associations, enterprises, business alliances, and consumer groups (including locavore groups).
  6. Promote cooperation between advocacy groups, PACs, and political parties and party caucuses that promote consumers' and citizens' interests.
  7. Allow and encourage local communities and private communities to experiment with Land Value Taxation (taxing the unimproved value of land, and the blight, abuse, and unsustainable development of landed property).
  8. Defeat any attempts to tax pollution in an institutional and general manner, and especially attempts to base citizens' dividends on the taxation of pollution.
  9. Promote understanding of bioregionalism and Cascadian independence in government.
  10. Reform jurisdictions and borders to bound watersheds and follow mountain ranges rather than water features.
  11. Grow Cascadian and other bioregionalist economies through creating local business alliances and networks thereof.

BANKING / FINANCE
  1. Perfect competition, and complete the systems of market-oriented distribution.
  2. Free the markets from coercive, monopolistic, and distortive market actors.
  3. Promote equal access to the factors of production as a requirement for free competition in markets.
  4. Prohibit deceptive profit-calculation, externalization, high leverage, debt collateralization, pernicious lending, insider trading, manipulative speculation, and short-selling.
  5. Restore Glass-Steagall (or implement similar legislation) at the federal level, and implement similar legislation at state and local levels of government.
  6. Obtain easy credit and low interest rates through decreasing and eliminating unjustifiable transaction costs and externalization, and through establishing the principle “cost the limit of price”.
  7. Promote cooperation between non-profit and cooperative banks, companies, and financial services agencies.
  8. Extend the federal tax exemption for credit unions.
  9. Require that for-profit enterprises which lack a stated social purpose in their charter, surrender 100% of their profits to a social, community, or citizens' dividend fund.
  10. Build independent and alternative networks and systems of community and social credit.
  11. Promote cooperation between credit-union leagues, cooperative interbank networks, and other non-profit and mutual finance networks.
  12. Prohibit usury and fractional reserve banking.
  13. Permit the establishment of state and local public banks.
  14. Allow experimentation with local and alternative currencies.

HOUSING / PROPERTY
  1. Improve the ability of the homeless to access public and common utilities (including and especially housing).
  2. Increase penalties for deception and fraud by landlords.
  3. Reform homesteading, by reducing the time-frame of duration-of-occupancy requirements, and by abolishing the requirement that property owners practice exclusive ownership.
  4. Sustainably improve the development of abandoned, unoccupied, and underdeveloped commercial and residential properties.
  5. Repurpose any abandoned properties which are not improved for occupation and residency by the homeless.
  6. Sustainably improve the development of abandoned transportation infrastructure properties, repurposing them for occupation and residency by the homeless.
  7. Repurpose some public farm, park, forest, and camping lands for occupation and residency by the homeless.
  8. Provide shelter to the homeless by building cooperative housing, promoting cooperative finance of public housing projects, and restoring and repurposing abandoned properties.

SOCIAL WELFARE
  1. Improve the image and reputation of the homeless and disadvantaged among civilians and public employees, by promoting C.O.R.E. (Clean, Organized, Respectful, and Energetic) values in social activism.
  2. Require the government to pay for any good or service it requires citizens to have in order to exercise basic freedoms (such as state IDs, voter ID, travel documents, legal paperwork and representation, health insurance, etc.).
  3. Improve access to public facilities, by the homeless and the general public alike, by promoting mutual aid and voluntary charitable giving, and cooperation between charitable and direct action agencies.
  4. Work with mutual aid and charity agencies to distribute maps to the public (whether homeless or not) detailing where free food, shelter, public restrooms, and electrical outlets are located.
  5. Improve the coordination and efficiency of delivery of personal social welfare.
  6. Build a mutual aid society by facilitating cooperation between charity agencies, mutual aid networks, benefit associations, and non-profit and social enterprises.
  7. Build a mutual aid society into an Aid-and-Trade association.
  8. Build Aid-for-Work agencies - through coordinating with veterans' and retired persons' groups, social welfare agencies, etc. - in order to improve access to employment, job training, and immediate on-the-job family aid.
  9. Improve access to education through volunteer provision, Aid-for-Work, cooperative education, and restoring abandoned schools.
  10. Fight for the unity of families by re-evaluating standards of child care so as not to judge proper care based on degree of access to certain conveniences wrongfully presumed to be necessary.
  11. Fight for the unity of families by promoting awareness of the corporate personhood implications of birth registration.
  12. Promote the independence, mutualization, and syndicalization of social service bureaucracies, through abolishing all compulsory taxes on all productive behavior (earned income, investment, sales, and savings).
  13. Base all government revenue not deriving from voluntary contributions only upon the punitive taxation of unimprovement of the value of land.

BUSINESS
  1. Promote sustainable improvements to the development of occupied and unoccupied business offices and logistics properties and private-sector landed property.
  2. Perform the finance, planning, and regulation of business and commercial banking at the state and local levels.
  3. Require enterprises' charters to contain specifically stated social purposes, with compliance assured through the establishment of independent licensing boards and the promotion of regulatory competition.
  4. Improve the social benefit of trade and commerce, by coordinating activity between profit-sharing agencies, social enterprises, fair-trade businesses and organizations, and agencies supporting the creation of social and Citizens' Dividend funds.
  5. Promote the idea of government as a business, by embracing business-oriented solutions to social problems; not through privatization to the private sector, but through “privatization to the non-profit sector”; through social entrepreneurialism, and through non-profit, mutual, and cooperative enterprises, and networks thereof.
  6. Build independent business alliances by recruiting non-profits, mutuals, cooperatives, social purpose enterprises, and charities as members.
  7. Coordinate cooperation between sympathetic enterprises across stages of production: (production/manufacturing, trade, and consumption), by partnering with and promoting wholesale stores, consumers' cooperatives, and purchasing cooperatives.
  8. Build business alliances into coalitions thereof, confederations of cooperatives, cooperative wholesale societies, trade associations, and trade confederations.
  9. Promote coordination with cooperative corporations and cooperative business associations.

LABOR / EMPLOYMENT
  1. Promote the proliferation of egalitarian management by labor in enterprise.
  2. Promote the operation of workplaces on cooperativist, mutualist, syndicalist, and social-purpose-enterprise principles.
  3. Offer tax incentives to enterprises to transition to Egalitarian Labor-Managed Firm, consumer-driven, worker cooperative, and worker-consumer cooperative (i.e., mutual) models.
  4. Support the rights of individual workers to form unions by reviving the Blue Eagle.
  5. Promote collective bargaining agreements which support individual workers' rights, by eliminating the social cost and free-rider problems which result from compulsory unionism.
  6. Augment and broaden the collective bargaining rights of workers and non-workers alike.
  7. Create homeless persons' and welfare recipients' unions, and coordinate activity with and between these unions, and freelancers' unions, and New Mutualist groups.
  8. Revive the International Brotherhood Welfare Association traveling workers' union and mutual aid society.
  9. Wage a general strike in order to end exploitation, and to raise awareness of the Party's coalition building.
  10. Achieve secession of the Third Sector economy from the establishment economy and the Private-Public Partnership.

JUSTICE
  1. Oppose tort reform that inhibits the rights of juries to award compensation to victims as they see fit.
  2. Make large-scale class-action lawsuits possible in order to compensate citizens for takings by government and its beneficiaries.
  3. Abolish mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines for non-violent crimes.
  4. Liberalize drug laws.
  5. Remove obstacles to non-violent felons voting, traveling, finding employment, and purchasing and qualifying for health insurance.
  6. Fight tyranny, coercion, and the disproportionate and unaccountable use of force.
  7. Increase public transparency into police activities.
  8. Keep weapons of war (such as tanks and drones) off American streets and out of American skies.
  9. Restore 4th, 5th, and 6th Amendment liberties, through augmenting Miranda Rights.
  10. Ensuring that juries and the accused are fully informed of their rights (such as refraining from entering a plea, and jury nullification), and prohibit the suppression of the spreading of such information.
  11. Increase public transparency of the regulation of the legal professions.
  12. Ending the self-management of the legal professions by bar associations and attorneys' guilds.
  13. Ensure that all public officials provide evidence of their identity, oaths of office, and anti-corruption oaths, immediately upon citizen request.
  14. Ensure that judges enter evidence of their anti-corruption oaths in court.
  15. Ensure that judges and prosecutors submit their oaths of office in court.
  16. Ensure that, in court cases, the judge, prosecutor, and witness do not all represent the State.
  17. Promote the idea that indictment on information by the police may not be sufficient for a finding of guilt, especially if there is no Verified Criminal Complaint (V.C.C.) by a real person of interest, who is not the prosecutor, nor whom in any way represents the State.
  18. Acquit all persons charged with violating statutes and ordinances, in whose violation no real criminal damage to personal property exist.
  19. Prevent the unfounded dismissal of prospective jurors by attorneys in the voir dire (jury selection) process.
  20. Replace multi-colored police, ambulance, and fire engine lights, in all jurisdictions and locations, with single-colored lights, in order to avoid triggering epileptic seizures.



Originally Written in August 2014 under the title
"Party for Mutualism and Cooperation: 100-Point U.S. Parliament Platform"

Originally Published on August 7th, 2014

Edited and Expanded in late May 2017 and March 5th, 2019
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Sunday, April 20, 2014

In Response to a Question About Right to Work Legislation

Written on March 25th, 2011



Patrick Mende asked:

   “You support so-called 'right to work' legislation. How would you respond to the argument that such legislation interferes with an employer's and a union's right to freely enter into contract?”



I replied:

   “I do not believe that unions and employers should have the right to collude to require employees to join a union once an employee has already contracted to work for an employer. But I believe that if unions and employers desire to collude to require employees to join unions as a precondition to and prerequisite for employment, they should be required to provide information that applicants will be required to do so while they still have the opportunity to make the decision about whether to agree to enter into contract with their potential employer.

   “If Right-to-Work legislation interferes with the right of employers and unions to freely enter into contract with one another, it only does so in the interest of full disclosure regarding what is to be expected of the employee. I am more concerned about preserving the individual employee's right to freely enter into contract with either or both unions and employers than I am with preserving union or business rights.

   "I don’t believe that - especially in difficult economic times - an employee whom was not told he would be compelled to join a union within a given amount of time as a condition of employment should be caught off-guard and forced to choose between participating in a strike and continuing to work so he may provide for himself and his family.

   “Additionally, I dismiss the claim that Right-to-Work legislation creates a free-rider problem for employees, causing them to receive the benefits earned through union negotiation without committing to help the union strike if necessary. This is because I would argue that there is a downside to the increased benefits and improved work conditions for which unions negotiate. Increased benefits can also mean higher standards for the hiring of future employees; these benefits may make it more difficult for future employees to qualify for those increased benefits, potentially contributing to unemployment.”
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Tuesday, December 31, 2013

Wisconsin and Collective Bargaining: My Journey on Labor Policy

     I was in my home town of Lake Bluff, Illinois in mid-February 2011, when protests began at the State Capitol in Madison, Wisconsin against newly-elected Governor Scott Walker's proposals of reforms to the state budget. I had lived in Madison from 2005 to 2009 while attending the University of Wisconsin at Madison, studying political science. I managed to move back to Madison that summer, and the following spring I filed to run for the U.S. House of Representatives from Wisconsin's 2nd Congressional District in 2012.
     On February 16th, 2011 – just a day or two after finding out about the protests from a friend in Madison – I published my reaction to Governor Walker's suggested public-sector collective bargaining reforms as a file entitled “Scott Walker's Public Union Proposals” in a Facebook group dedicated to my congressional campaign.
     Initially, I agreed with the provision that public employee unions retained the right to negotiate on wages at all, but disagreed with taking away their right to negotiate on health benefits and vacations, disagreed with requiring them to negotiate every year, and disagreed with freezing their wages until a new contract is made. However, I agreed with the provision that there be an annual secret ballot on whether public employees want to stay unionized.
     Also, I opposed the provision that public employee unions could not get salary increases above the consumer price index except if approved by public referendum, agreed that public employees should pay 5.8% more of their salaries for their pensions and 12.6% more for their health coverage, disagreed that the state should stop collecting dues for unions, and disagreed with taking away the right of home health care, family child care workers, University of Wisconsin Hospitals and Clinics employees and UW faculty and academic staff to collectively bargain.
     Additionally, I supported the provisions that public employees could opt out of paying union dues if they wish, that state and local employees would have the right to refuse to join unions, and that the National Guard should be used to suppress strikes which disrupt state services such as prisons. Also, I opposed firing 6,000 state employees if Walker's measure did not pass, as well as opposing firing teachers for going on strike and firing the Democratic state legislators for going to Rockford, Illinois in order to deny the Republicans a quorum on the vote for Walker's proposed legislation.
     At this time, I had not yet taken a position differentiating the needs for collective bargaining rights of private-sector workers as opposed to public-sector government employees. Being that, at the time, Governor Walker was stating that he did not want Wisconsin to become a Right-to-Work state, I opposed him on that (he has since changed his position, and I have revised mine several times). Explaining my positions, I wrote that all types of employees should have the authority to collectively bargain, that collective bargaining should be “free, open-ended, and frequent”, and public employee unions should have the responsibility to collect their own dues without help from the state government.
     I further explained that “Individual employees [should] be free to choose whether to join unions and pay dues to them, joining a union would never be a precondition for employment, and refusal to join a union would never be a legitimate reason to fire an employee.” I have espoused this position since, during high school, I worked for a grocery store, and discovered that my workplace had enacted what is called a post-entry closed shop agreement (however I quit to re-assume my high school studies before I would have had to join the union).
     I ended my explanation of my position on Walker's proposals by disagreeing with the argument that people who refuse to pay union dues are choosing to become free-riders. My explanation supported the individual worker's subjective evaluation of the benefit which may come from being represented by a union; I argued that to compel the payment of dues to unions in order to bargain for increased benefits would ameliorate the employer's financial incentive to hire new employees.
     I have since argued on my blog - based on my experiences as a temporary custodian at the Madison Area Technical College - that lack of freedom to and from association with unions only serves to create animosity between unionized and non-unionized workers.

     After studying the issue for two more weeks, I published another file on February 28th, 2011, on the topic of the difference between public-sector and private-sector unions. I argued that “public-sector unions have more leverage than private-sector unions because government[al service providers] is more likely to have a monopoly in the provision of services than in the market” (i.e., than non-governmental commercial service providers).
     I wrote that while “[g]etting rid of collective bargaining rights for certain types of jobs is one way to address this problem, [a]nother... and... a more libertarian solution... would be to undermine the government monopolies in the provision of such services” (i.e., education, health, public works and infrastructure, police and judicial services, etc.).
     As a market anarchist and a student of Gustave de Molinari, I recognized then, as I recognize now, that the State – the local monopoly on legitimate violence – is the source of legitimacy of all monopoly and oligopoly in the private sector. I wrote that “[t]he only way to solve Wisconsin's union problem... is to encourage competition in the provision of those services which are typically provided by government.”
     Rather than believing that corporations dominated public interest - and that if we didn't have a State, corporations would control our lives - I believe that the State is the source of corporate power, and that if the State didn't exist (that is, if there were no ban on governments competing to provide services in a territory), corporate power would be small enough to be able to be effectively limited by non-violent consumer and worker action.
     My positions on collective bargaining result from an awareness – due to studying Milton Friedman - that unions seek State power to help them monopolize the representation of workers in collective bargaining, in the same manner in which businesses seek State power to help them monopolize markets, industries, and the provision of certain services.
     In non-Right-to-Work states, private-sector unions monopolize the representation of workers in bargaining by enacting “compulsory unionism” - laws permitting closed-shop and union-shop union security agreements in unionized workplaces - and by promoting majority unionism over dual unionism and minority unionism.
     When such practices are implemented, individual workers become less free to negotiate with management on their own merits, and unable to join and pay dues to some other union. Arguably, this is good because it stands to increase worker solidarity, but majority unions would be free to appeal to the State to prohibit alternative unions, whether a union would demand less, or whether it would be more radical in its demands, and call for a strike of which the majority union leadership would not approve.

     In late March 2011, I was asked to respond to the argument that Right-to-Work legislation interferes with an employer's and a union's right to freely enter into contract. In my reply, I explained that it is not primarily the law which interferes with the contract rights of employers and unions, but the employers and unions which interfere with the contract rights of the individual worker.
     Explaining my opposition to unions and employers colluding to require workers to join unions, I wrote that “I am more concerned about preserving the individual employee's right to freely enter into contract with either or both unions and employers than I am with preserving union or business rights”. I also supported requiring closed-shop and union-shop businesses to notify applicants about their type of bargaining arrangement during the application process.
     I explained that I did not want employees to be “forced to choose between participating in a strike and continuing to work” in order to provide for himself, risking getting fired for agreeing to work without committing to fund a union that might not actually even do anything that promotes his own interests in the workplace.
     Also, I elaborated upon the idea that bargaining for increased benefits has adverse effects on the incentive to hire: “Increased benefits can... mean higher standards for the hiring of future employees; ...[making it] more difficult for future employees to qualify for those increased benefits... contributing to unemployment.”

     In mid-April 2012 – around the time I filed for candidacy in Wisconsin's 2nd District congressional race – I published a lengthy file about private-sector labor laws and contract rights. This occurred shortly after I learned about collective bargaining agreements and labor laws from a co-worker who aspired to organize our workplace.
     I responded to a statement by economist Friedrich Hayek that Right-to-Work laws and union privileges are both the results of favorable special legislation, that there should be no need for either, and that such special privilege should be removed by special legislation declaring certain pertinent contracts invalid. I agreed about the special favors, but I argued that legislation should not impair the obligation of contracts, because judgments in lawsuits are the only way to retroactively invalidate contracts.
     I explained that union security agreements “act as unnecessary barriers of entry into the labor market... increase unemployment levels and the cost of living... make it less likely for new and fledgling labor unions to gain prominence[,]... make independent... strikes less likely to occur, [and] narrow the range of acceptable tactics for – and goals of – negotiation”.
     I supported discouraging unions and employers from making union security agreements at all, and I supported prohibiting any and all (although admittedly unlikely) legislation which would seek to impose - in all unionized workplaces - security agreements such as union-shop and closed-shop, which empower established unions more than other agreements.
     I took this position because I was struggling to apply the lesson which I was learning; namely, that “compulsory unionism” is not the result of state laws mandating favorable organizing conditions in all unionized workplaces within a state, but rather the result of state laws permitting the representatives of labor and capital to govern their workplace together.
     Because I understood an inkling of the aforementioned position, I took the position that the Taft-Hartley Act should be repealed, thereby effectually invalidating Right-to-Work laws, and making them unnecessary. I began to argue that Right-to-Work laws “impair the obligation of contracts”, by which I meant the responsibility of the State to refrain from infringing upon the rights of individuals and agencies (in this case, employers and unions) to privately make contracts (in this case, governing how particular unionized workplaces are run in terms of union security agreements). I came to support a system of individual contract rights in a system of personal law, rather than a system wherein the State has power to dictate what sorts of contracts are acceptable.
     I also expressed criticism of the long-standing power of the National Labor Relations Board to approve and deny unions' requests to engage in strikes (as well as of the power of union leaders to decide whether or when a strike will occur). I supported abolishing the board and repealing the National Labor Relations Act, saying that “[t]hey are not necessary to uphold the right to collectively bargain which existed prior to – and exist[s] independently of – the current federal... labor-policy...“. I also supported establishing labor relations boards at the state and local levels, and “urging local governments to begin to administer N.L.R.B.-type services”.
     Additionally, I supported local governance, counter-economic activity, and mass-scale direct consumer action (including boycotts) – rather than empowering the State and excusing the growth of its power to remedy the special business privileges which the State erected – to uphold the right to collectively bargain; by demonstrating that the powerto do so lies in the workers, and that it is retained regardless of State endorsement and protection of such rights claims. I recognized that this view is compatible with the segment of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W. / Wobblies) which did not choose to pursue Statist political solutions to the labor struggle, and to instead pursue revolutionary anarcho-syndicalism.
     Because I observed that the free-rider problem which arises in workplaces when workers are not required to pay dues actually arises because non-dues-paying workers are required – as workers at an organized workplace - to receive the benefits of collective bargaining which they did not help fund and in which they did not participate, I supported encouraging unions and workplaces to adopt dual-unionism and minority-unionism, members-only collective bargaining, and open-shop union security agreements, so that there is a place for individuals and unions alike - multiple unions, at that - within the workplace.

     Since adopting those positions in 2012, I have come to recognize the existence of labor unions as a feature of a capitalist system (which actually resembles feudalism due to its rentier system and lack of allodial property rights, and I can name anarcho-socialists and students of the Austrian School alike who would agree with this notion).
     My most startling realization about unions being part of State capitalism occurred when Joseph Carriveau wrote to me that “[u]nions are not syndicates”. I began to understand that the purpose of collective bargaining is not just to get as much compensation out of management and profits as possible, but to bring about egalitarian cooperative management and control of production in the workplace. Most importantly, “autonomous unions” (syndicates) require that the union be free to decide how and under what conditions it strikes, rather than beholden to the supposed authority of a government board.
     Soon after, I began learning more about egalitarian labor-managed firms (E.L.M.F.s), cooperative corporations, mutual and cooperative banks and credit unions. I began to understand syndicalism, cooperativism, corporativism, mutualism, entrepreneurialism, and others as – as Rudolf Rocker put it - “only different methods of economy”; that is, only different methods of making certain financial, structural, and organizational decisions about matters of the firm, such as the relationship between labor and management or capital, the logistics of investment and funding, and the methods of profit and cost calculation.
What I have learned about the subjects has given me hope that an effective counter-economy could develop through an anarchy-without-adjectives coalition of business associations which unite egalitarianfirms – including dispute-resolution and security-provision agencies - operating under each particular anarchist “method of economy” (indeed, if all enterprises were cooperative, then it would be difficult to distinguish a professional association, business association, business alliance, industry trade group, or pro-business lobbying firm, from an autonomous, industrial, trade, craft, or guild union, a federation of cooperatives, or a pro-labor lobbying firm).
     These security and dispute-resolution agencies, each offering voluntary citizenship, would provide choice from amongst competing governments, which would aim to out-compete the State in public service provision through offering more perfectly progressive user-fee structures (potentially paying disadvantaged citizens to choose to accept their protection over that of others), fostering an environment of free and fair trade - with reasonable and justifiable profit - without either necessitating involuntary subjugation to a single State or interfering with the obligation of contracts.
     While it is still my position to support only the types of private-sector union security agreements and union organizational and election practices which are the least Statist and majoritarian, and which are the most compatible with individualism, voluntary exchange, and a desire to eliminate the free rider problem, I would take a much stronger position against public-sector unions - especially the Association of Federal, State, County, and Municipal Employees (A.F.S.C.M.E.).
     This is because public employee unions - through donations, lobbying, and elections - practically have the power to appoint their own employers; the politicians who serve and represent the people who have the power to write laws that grow or shrink bureaucracies, and to hire and fire public employees. Thus public employees have personal financial incentive to elect candidates who will continue to promise them the continuation of their jobs and increases to their benefits, at increasing expense to taxpayers. Growth in the size and costs of bureaucracy is growth in the power and inefficiency of the State.
     This is problematic, of course, because governments all over America are in debt, and in some cases paying off debts incurred over a hundred years ago, so any promises to keep funding insolvent governments only serve to cause future generations to go further into debt. And let us not forget that all of this revenue collection occurs in the context of Statism; the local monopoly on legitimate coercion in the enforcement of government order, including the enforcement of tax law.
     Rather than increasing the freedom and egalitarianism of governance and commerce, the unchecked power of public-sector collective bargaining risks growing the State; thereby entrenching a barbaric, backwards system of legitimized violence, monopoly and oligarchy, and territorialism, which has no concern for either a logical justice system or classically liberal civic and economic values such as market choice and competition, voluntary association, and freedom of choice in government.
     In all cases, I support dismantling all State-erected privileges and protections for businesses and unions alike, and I support maximizing the decentralization of - and limiting majority power within – representation in government, by business associations, and through collective bargaining.
     I believe that this would have profound positive effects, such as curbing the growth of State and corporate power, electing less corrupt politicians through less expensive elections, strengthening bipartisan opposition to federal centralism, allowing growth of and diversity of thought within the labor movement, freeing the markets for consumer goods, and fostering the natural development of free enterprise, fair credit, and affordable and responsibly-financed government.
     I additionally support transcending the “centralization vs. decentralization” paradigm in favor of a diffusion of power, brought about through increasing the rights and the abilities of the accused to represent themselves in court (and of people in general to participate in a system of interpersonal contracts), so that people are able to effectively represent themselves without necessitating empowerment of political, business, and union leaderships and bureaucracies.

     Insofar as I am willing to support tactics utilizing the current representational government - gradualistic reforms to the State - my position now is that I disagree with Friedrich Hayek that Right-to-Work laws should be removed by special legislation, so I also disagree with Ron Paul's attempts in the early 1990s to pass a national Right-to-Work law.
     Instead of invalidating Right-to-Work laws nationwide through special legislation by Congress, I believe that Right-to-Work laws should be found unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court; i.e., through a judgment, the only legitimate way to retroactively invalidate contracts. However, I understand that Paul's legislation – had it passed – would eventually have forced the Supreme Court to make a decision about the constitutionality of Right-to-Work laws.
     I also believe that union security agreements should be found unconstitutional by courts in the states and at the federal level, because they hinder the ability of potential employees to interact unilaterally with employers. I take this position not out of lack of solidarity with the needs of working people, but out of the necessity to avoid taxpayer debt, socialist bureaucracy, labor aristocracy, and excessive planning that inhibits freedom.
     I would wager that Joseph Carriveau agrees that for workers to get their fair share, most contracts – however constitutional – ought to be dissolved.


For more entries on unions and collective bargaining, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/on-monopoly-and-scott-walker-recall.html

For more entries on Wisconsin politics, please visit:
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Wednesday, September 4, 2013

Party for Mutualism and Cooperation: Proposal for the State of Oregon

Party for Mutualism and Cooperation
(Proposal for the State of Oregon)

A potential political party
(at the municipal, county, state, and federal levels)
to promote cooperation, mutuality, voluntary action,
entrepreneurialism, egalitarian markets,
and transparency in government.



C.O.R.E. and the movement for a cooperativist party would like to partner with and garner the mutual support of all varieties of social service agencies and charities, local government and local business groups, cooperative and mutual banks and other enterprises, labor organizations, and citizens' and consumers' interest groups.

They are especially interested in coordinating with Street Roots (and - outside of Oregon - the North American Street Newspaper Association and the International Network of Street Papers), local Occupy chapters; Food Not Bombs; advocates for Cascadian independence; veterans' and retired persons' groups and communities, homeless people willing to volunteer; and independent and retired accountants, paralegals, public defenders, and public relations agents willing to give legal, financial, and other advice.



GOALS

1. Voluntary Cooperation in Government, the Economy, and Society
2. Mutuality and Independence in Government and Business
3. Local Banking Over National and Foreign Banking
4. Governance, Banking, Business, Labor, Social Services, and Justice
5. Growth of the Third (Voluntary) Sector
6. Alliances in Business, Trade, and Governance



GOALS

1. Voluntary Cooperation in Government, the Economy, and Society
To build a state- and local- level political party in Oregon in order to represent the lower and middle classes; by partnering with and garnering the support of credit unions, mutual banks, and cooperative banks, to invest in the improvement of local and community government, justice and social programs, enterprise and labor, and the self-sustainability of the volunteer sector.

2. Mutuality and Independence in Government and Business
To promote cooperation, mutuality, reciprocity, autonomy, and independence - over dependence and parasitism - in interactions between citizens and government, workers and businesses, and their representatives; and to insist that any good or service which the state deems compulsory upon the citizens to purchase or possess, be provided by the state imposing the requirement.

3. Local Banking over National and Foreign Banking
To reverse the trend of the people losing possession of their homes, properties, and enterprises to national and foreign banks – and their children and loved ones to child protective services and the prison system – by increasing local determination over policies regarding banking and investment in government and enterprise, and child care, parental rights, education, and the rights of the accused.

4. Governance, Banking, Business, Labor, Social Services, and Justice
To improve the provision of goods and services to the people through governmental and personal avenues; especially with regard to local governance, banking and finance, credit and lending, sustainable development and improvement of businesses and properties, independent workers' rights and collective bargaining reform, housing and transportation, mortgage foreclosures and abandoned property, homesteading laws and settlers' laws, adverse possession (or squatting), social welfare and homelessness, child care and education, police transparency, civil liberties, regulation of the legal professions, jury nullification, and awareness of corporate personhood and corporate government.

5. Growth of the Third (Voluntary) Sector
To make viable the independence and self-sustainability of the Third Sector (the sector of voluntarism, cooperation, mutuality / reciprocity, and community), to bring about its separation from the state, and to bring about its secession from the private-public partnership of the establishment economy; through a bipartisan, multipartisan, or non-partisan general strike; and / or through growing a political party infrastructure capable of purchasing landed jurisdictions from existing governments for the purposes of reorganizing the political environment for the development of bio-regionalism.

6. Alliances in Business, Trade, and Governance
To build coalitions between business alliances, and building combination aid-and-trade associations / trade organizations / economic and industrial unions into a cooperating and amicably competing group of non-statist international agencies providing economic and social governance and operating on a diverse array of cooperativist principles of governmental and entrepreneurial planning models.



POLICY AREAS

I. Reform and Development of State, County, and Municipal Government
II. Reform of the Banking Industry and the Financial System
III. Reform of the Housing Industry and the Property Rights System
IV. Reform of Social Welfare: C.O.R.E., Homelessness, Mutual Aid and Charity, Education
V. Reform of the System of Credit to and Development of Business
VI. Reform of the System of Rights of Unionized Laborers and Independent Workers
VII. Reform of the Criminal and Civil Justice Systems, and of the Regulation of the Legal Professions


I. Reform and Development of State, County, and Municipal Government
1. Transparency
2. Local Government
3. Government Investment
4. Local Business Alliance
5. Consumer and Political Advocacy
6. Private Communities
7. Bio-Regionalism
8. Cascadian Independence

II. Reform of the Banking Industry and the Financial System
1. Free and Egalitarian Markets
2. Finance and Market Regulation
3. Investment and Commercial Banking
4. Credit and Interest
5. Banking, Investment, and Credit
6. Banking and Lending
7. Coopetration in Banking
8. Treasury and Monetary Policy

III. Reform of the Housing Industry and the Property Rights System
1. Public Facilities
2. Settling, Homesteading, and Squatting
3. Unoccupied Public and Commercial Properties
4. Unoccupied Transportation Properties
5. Parks and Communal Lands
6. Cooperative Housing

IV. Reform of Social Welfare: C.O.R.E., Homelessness, Mutual Aid and Charity, Education
1. C.O.R.E. Values in Activism
2. Reciprocity in Social Service Provision
3. Access to Public Facilities
4. Aid-and-Trade
5. Aid-for-Work
6. Education and Schools
7. Child Custody and Protection
8. Voluntarism in Social Services

V. Reform of the System of Credit to and Development of Business
1. Local Business Development
2. Social Purpose of Business
3. Independent and Cooperative Business Organization
4. Cooperative and Mutualist Business Investment
5. Coordination Across Stages of Production
6. Cooperative Business Association

VI. Reform of the System of Rights of Unionized Laborers, Independent Workers, and the Unemployed
1. Egalitarian Workplaces
2. Collective Bargaining
3. Unemployment and Non-Collective Labor
4. Third Sector General Strike

VII. Reform of the Civil and Criminal Justice Systems, and of the Regulation of the Legal Professions
1. Tort Reform and Class Action
2. Non-Violent Crime
3. Police State
4. Rights of the Accused and of Juries
5. Regulation of the Legal Professions



POLICIES


I. Reform and Development of State, County, and Municipal Government

1. Transparency
Increase voluntarism and transparency in interactions between citizens and agencies of government.

2. Local Government
Increase communal autonomy, the self-determination of localities, subsidiarity, municipal home rule, and multiple-federalism.

3. Government Investment
Promote sustainable, egalitarian, and transparent investment in - and improvement to development of - state, county, and municipal governments; through fostering an environment conducive to cooperation between credit unions, mutual banks, cooperative banks, multi- stakeholder community development cooperatives, and non-profit community organizations (in the vein of the Free Detroit Project).

4. Local Business Alliance
Promote cooperation between sympathetic local businesses and alliances / associations / partnerships thereof, local chambers of commerce, and locavore groups and other domestic production advocacy groups.

5. Consumer and Political Advocacy
Promote cooperation between sympathetic citizens' and consumers' interest and advocacy groups, political action committees, legislative caucuses, and political parties in state and local government.

6. Private Communities
Allow community experimentation with the Georgist single-tax (Land-Value-Tax) model of private community organization.

7. Bio-Regionalism
Promote cooperation and understanding between the governmental establishment, Cascadian independence groups, and other groups and individuals promoting bio-regionalism.

8. Cascadian Independence
Build coalitions in order to grow the movement's political economy; so that the states of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho are permitted to constitutionally and independently secede from the government of the United States, and that the province of British Columbia is permitted to constitutionally secede from Canada; so that neighboring landed jurisdictions within the Cascadia watershed may be sold to other states or provinces, or to the national governments, in order to settle the borders of Cascadia through constitutional, legal, diplomatic, peaceful means oriented towards friendly trade.



II. Reform of the Banking Industry and the Financial System

1. Free and Egalitarian Markets
Promote the freeing of the markets, and move towards the perfection and completeness of markets and of competition; promote fair and amicable competition and diversity in markets for the provision of goods and services; and promote equal access to the factors of production as a condition for legitimate participation in markets for individuals, firms, and communities alike.

2. Finance and Market Regulation
Promote just policies in finance and market regulation; through de-incentivizing and punishing the imposition of high transaction costs that cannot be justified by the need to provide for the costs of administration (including unreasonable bank fees), deceptive and fraudulent profit- calculation practices, intrinsic and systemic risk of externalization such as social-cost and free-rider problems, high leverage (i.e., high ratios of speculative assets to tangible assets), collateralization of debt obligations, pernicious lending, and insider trading and manipulative speculative behavior in short selling.

3. Investment and Commercial Banking
Promote the separation of investment banking from community commercial banking by implementing Glass-Steagall-type legislation at state and local levels of government, and the restoration of Glass-Steagall-type legislation at the federal level.

4. Credit and Interest
Procure for the people easy credit and low interest rates; not low because they are set artificially
low by cartels of pernicious lenders, but low because markets would naturally favor modest
growth rates, egalitarian investment and liability, and low transaction costs.

5. Banking, Investment, and Credit
Promote cooperation between sympathetic non-profit and not-for-profit banks, savings banks and savings-and-loans, labor banks, resource banks, partnerships, trusts and trust funds, corporate credit unions, Accumulating (ASCAs) and Rotating (ROSCAs) Savings and Credit Associations, multi-stakeholder co-operatives, limited-liability companies, non-capital stock corporations, investment and investment services agencies, registered investment companies, holding companies, insurance and insurance services agencies, credit and credit counseling services agencies

6. Banking and Lending
Promote fair and egalitarian banking and investment by preventing the revocation of the federal tax exemption for credit unions, and by promoting adequate taxation of – or the giving of adequate social dividends from the profits of – pernicious lenders in the private and public sectors not operating on mutual and cooperative banking models.

7. Cooperation in Banking
Build and promote cooperation between sympathetic credit-union leagues and cooperative interbank networks.

8. Treasury and Monetary Policy
Promote just treasury and monetary policy by opposing usury and fractional reserve banking; by allowing states [as North Dakota is doing] to establish state banks (especially if they are non- profit or not-for-profit; or operate on mutual or cooperative principles); and by allowing communities, social groups, enterprises, and alliances thereof to experiment with alternative currency by issuing their own labor- and resource- backed currencies (for example, in the manner of Mountain Hours of Summit County, Colorado).



III. Reform of the Housing Industry and the Property Rights System

1. Public Facilities
Augment the rights of the homeless to access public and common utilities and services, augment the rights of evicted tenants and victims of mortgage foreclosures to seek compensation from landlords, and increase penalties for fraud and gambling by landlords.

2. Settling, Homesteading, and Squatting
Reform laws related to the rights of settlers, homesteading, and squatting; including by amending the state's requirement of ten years of exclusive occupancy for adverse possession.

3. Unoccupied Public and Commercial Properties
Support sustainable improvements to the development of abandoned and unoccupied public and
private properties; such as residencies and commercial offices; schools and hospitals; and unincorporated, undeveloped, underdeveloped, blighted, and low- property-value properties and areas.

4. Unoccupied Transportation Properties
Support sustainable improvements to the development of abandoned and unoccupied transportation infrastructure properties; such as parking garages, highways, bridges, train system properties, airports, and other lands managed by the Oregon Department of Transportation; in addition to seasteads and mobile floating occupations and residencies, and subway systems (in future Portland, or in large cities in other states as the movement develops and spreads).

5. Parks and Communal Lands
Permit housing on - and support sustainable improvements to the development of - communal farming lands; community public parks; state forests, camping grounds, and other lands; and national forests, camping grounds, and other lands in the state (besides parks and wildlife preserves).

6. Cooperative Housing
Supplement deficiencies and deficits in the provision of shelter to the people; through promoting cooperation between sympathetic building and housing cooperatives and utility cooperatives, through providing volunteer-based temporary shelter at agencies offering aid-for-work, and through restoring use of and developing abandoned housing facilities and habitable areas.



IV. Reform of Social Welfare: C.O.R.E., Homelessness, Mutual Aid and Charity, Education

1. C.O.R.E. Values in Activism
Improve the image of the disadvantaged by promoting activism which respects C.O.R.E. Values (Clean, Organized, Respectful, and Energetic), promoting understanding and respect between
the homeless and disadvantaged, and residents, tourists, police, and providers of social welfare services.

2. Reciprocity in Social Service Provision
Insist that any good or service which the state deems compulsory upon the citizen to purchase or possess as a condition of exercising basic freedoms and rights – be it identification and travel documents, legal paperwork and legal representation, health insurance, justice and security, or access to public facilities and social programs – be provided by the state imposing the requirement.

3. Access to Public Facilities
Improve access to and information of common and public facilities in public areas - for the public in general and for the disadvantaged and homeless in particular - by promoting cooperation between sympathetic churches and rescue missions, food pantries and activist feeding groups, other charities and non-profits, mental health and addiction clinics, hospitals, and homeless- positive businesses and individuals; and by distributing maps showing locations of public facilities, such as the aforementioned establishments, as well as drinking fountains, electric outlets, shelters, and restrooms.

4. Aid-and-Trade
Improve the coordination and efficiency of the delivery of personal social welfare by building a mutual aid society into an aid-and-trade association; through promoting cooperation between sympathetic charity organizations, mutual support and mutual aid networks, mutual organizations, mutual and friendly societies, fraternal organizations, building societies, benefit and benevolent societies, burial societies, non-profit and not-for-profit non-stock corporations, non-commercial organizations.

5. Aid-for-Work
Build aid-for-work agencies, and associations thereof, for disadvantaged persons wishing to volunteer and access employment services – including immediate care (for spouses, children, and pets) and education for children – by coordinating with state and local public service agencies (including parks and recreation departments, and animal food and care services such as Pongo and Paws), veterans' administrations and groups, adults' and seniors' groups (clubs, lodges, fraternal organizations, etc.), retired person's organizations, retirement homes and retirement communities.

6. Education and Schools
Supplement deficiencies and deficits in the provision of education to the youth of the public;
through providing volunteer-based education at agencies offering aid-for-work, through coordinating with cooperative educational institutes, and through restoring use of and developing abandoned school facilities.

7. Child Custody and Protection
Fight for the unity of families and the proliferation of the human species, by combating and reversing the alienation of the proletariat from its biological product (i.e., the next generation); through pursuing parental rights' reforms, including through liberalizing laws allowing and / or mandating the taking of child custody by child protective services for parents failing to meet arbitrary and unreasonable societal standards of adequate and appropriate provision of food, medicine, shelter, housing utilities, and various forms of insurance - as well as for failing to pay off debts and to obey laws against non-violent activities - and through raising awareness of corporate government, corporate citizenship, corporate personhood, Strawman Theory and Capitis Deminutio.

8. Voluntarism in Social Services
Promote the independence, mutualization, and syndicalization of social service bureaucracies, by
diminishing the need for compulsory taxation to fund the administration of the pertinent programs, through promoting volunteering and voluntary giving as solutions to deficiencies and deficits in both public and private social service provision.



V. Reform of the System of Credit to and Development of Business

1. Local Business Development
Promote sustainable improvements to the development of occupied and unoccupied business offices and logistics properties and private-sector landed property, through finance and planning of business and commercial banking at the state and local levels.

2. Social Purpose of Business
Improve the social benefit of trade and commerce by coordinating the activity of sympathetic fair- trade businesses, social-purpose businesses and ventures, social enterprise agencies, profit- and surplus- sharing agencies, benefit corporations, social economy organizations, and enterprises supporting the payment of social dividends.

3. Independent and Cooperative Business Organization
Accede to the re-framing of government as a business in popular political culture; by embracing business-oriented solutions to social problems; through promoting the uplifting of the lower and middle classes through entrepreneurialism and cooperative business organization; by encouraging divestiture of enterprises from non-sympathetic established business alliances and state and local chambers of commerce; by raising awareness about corporate government, citizenship, and personhood; and by coordinating investment and aid between sympathetic Third Sector enterprises.

4. Cooperative and Mutualist Business Investment
Build community business alliances on cooperative and mutualist principles, by choosing cooperative enterprises and mutualist enterprises as members, and promote mutual aid and investment between such enterprises and associations.

5. Coordination Across Stages of Production
Coordinate cooperation between sympathetic enterprises in the various stages and sectors of trade, through partnership with:

a. Producers' and Manufacturers' Groups
(including producers' cooperatives, artists' cooperatives and artisans' guilds, farmers' and agricultural cooperatives, industrial trade and craft unions and guilds, and industrial societies);

b. Retailers' and Trade Groups
(including retailers' cooperatives, cooperative retail and commercial banking institutions, industry trade groups, employers' associations, and cooperative grocery and drug stores);

and

c. Consumers' and Customers' Groups
(including consumers' rights and consumer advocacy agencies, state consumer action networks, customers' and consumers' cooperatives, purchasing cooperatives, and consumer-driven health care cooperatives).

6. Cooperative Business Association
Build business alliances into coalitions thereof, confederations of cooperatives, cooperative wholesale societies, trade associations, and trade confederations; and promote coordination with cooperative corporations (such as those operating on Mondragon and similar models) and the National Cooperative Business Association.



VI. Reform of the System of Rights of Unionized Laborers, Independent Workers, and the Unemployed

1. Egalitarian Workplaces
Promote the proliferation of egalitarian management by labor in enterprise, and the operation of workplaces on cooperativist, mutualist, syndicalist, guild-unionist, and entrepreneurialist principles.

2. Collective Bargaining
Incentivize and encourage the spread of collective bargaining agreements which support the rights
of individual workers; such as members-only collective bargaining, dual-unionism, minority unionism, and other agreements which minimize the risk of free-rider problems in worker representation.

3. Unemployment and Non-Collective Labor
Augment and broaden the provision of workers' and bargaining rights through the creation of homeless persons' and welfare recipients' unions, and through coordinating cooperation between sympathetic unemployed person's unions, freelancers' unions, and groups promoting New Mutualism.

4. Third Sector General Strike
Wage a bipartisan, multipartisan, or non-partisan general strike in order to promote the end of exploitation, to raise awareness of the movement's coalition-building, and to bring about the secession of the Third Sector from the establishment economy (the private-public partnership).




VII. Reform of the Civil and Criminal Justice Systems, and of the Regulation of the Legal Professions

1. Tort Reform and Class Action
Oppose tort reforms which inhibit the rights of juries to award compensation to victims; and take steps to make viable large-scale class-action lawsuits against the beneficiaries of improper government largess, and of corruption in government and business.

2. Non-Violent Crime
Promote the abolition of mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines for non-violent crimes at the state level; repeal and/or liberalize vice laws against alcohol, tobacco, marijuana, and illicit drugs with medicinal uses; and lower and/or remove obstacles to non-violent felons' rights and abilities to find employment, purchase health insurance, travel outside the United States, and vote.

3. Police State
Combat and prevent the spread of tyranny, arbitrary coercion, and disproportionate force in the delivery of police services to the public; through increasing the transparency of police activities to the public (including by urging communities to experiment with affixing surveillance equipment to police offices, vehicles, and uniforms); and through keeping the weapons of war off of the people's streets by passing legislation at the community and state levels which ban the active domestic use of tanks and drones.

4. Rights of the Accused and of Juries
Promote the rights of the accused and of jurors and juries; by supporting a restoration of the civil liberties protected by the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Amendments, and an augmentation of the rights of the accused and of Miranda Rights; by increasing awareness of the rights to represent and defend oneself in court, and to an adequate defense, and of plea bargaining; and by discouraging the prosecution of those charged with distributing literature on public grounds which promotes the awareness of juries' rights and jury nullification.

5. Regulation of the Legal Professions
Increase public transparency of the regulation of the legal professions, by pursuing investigation of state and local bar associations, legal guilds, and law enforcers' and other public employees' unions, in order to punish and counteract attempts by the professions to defend attorneys' stature and compensation against the risk of widespread self-defense in court by the accused (including by ending the self-management of the legal professions; preventing the disbarring of licensed attorneys for questioning the propriety of the jurisdiction of courts; increasing transparency into the signing of anti-corruption and constitutional support oaths by judges, prosecutors, and political representatives; and preventing the unfounded dismissal of prospective jurors in voir dire (jury selection processes) for reasons which may stem from prospective jurors' degrees of legal and constitutional knowledge).







For more information, please contact:

Joe Kopsick
Phone: 608-417-9395
E-Mail: jwkopsick@gmail.com



For more entries on banking, the treasury, currency, inflation, and business, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/response-to-campaign-for-liberty.html

For more entries on employment, unemployment, the minimum wage, and Right-to-Work, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/right-to-work-laws-and-union-security.html

For more entries on environment and climate change, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/cap-and-trade-legislation.html

For more entries on justice, crime, and punishment, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/thrasymachus-support-for-justice-being.html
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/social-policies-for-2012-us-house.html

For more entries on land, land reform, and land taxation, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/case-examination-of-policy-for-natural.html
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/sen-cliven-bundy-harry-reid-owes-feds.html

For more entries on enterprise, business, business alliance, and markets, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/enlightened-catallaxy-reciprocally.html

For more entries on non-profits and charities, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2013/08/anarchist-kindergarten-open-letter-to.html

For more entries on Oregon politics, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/response-to-campaign-for-liberty.html

For more entries on the social market economy and the third (voluntary) sector, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/04/diagram-of-public-private-and-third.html

For more entries on social services, public planning, and welfare, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/taxpayer-funded-benefits-for.html




For more entries on unions and collective bargaining, please visit:
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