Showing posts with label Mercantilism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mercantilism. Show all posts

Saturday, September 30, 2017

Debunking the Top Six Claims That the Nazis Were Socialists

          I’d like to debunk, once and for all, the six claims that are most commonly used to support the idea that Nazis were socialists. I’ll explain why I believe Nazis were not socialists, socialists aren’t Nazis, and Nazism and socialism aren’t the same thing.

I need to qualify before I start: I don’t mean to refer to the Soviet Union every time I use the word “communism”. Other communist systems have been proposed and tried. If you don’t believe that communism can work without becoming totalitarian, look up the Paris Communes, the town of Mondragon, Spain, or the Rojava territory in northern Syria.
            Based on my observations, when communism and socialism fail, it’s often because some Western, capitalist, or imperialist nation bombed or invaded it, or overthrew its democratically elected leader or government, or interfered in its elections, or sabotaged it, aided terrorists or rebels in the country, sometimes all of the above.
American conflicts with other nations often stem from, and involve, competition over resources, but more importantly for the purposes of this discussion, refusal of a country to open their markets to American products (as well as refusal to open their lands and natural resources to outside investors and developers).
Learning from these conflicts, and seeing what happens when tariffs are raised, we see how easily sanctions can escalate into trade wars, which escalate into cold war, and sometimes even hot war. Most communists want to abolish markets as soon as possible, and in my opinion, that - conflict over markets - is one of the root causes of the economic conflicts between the more capitalist N.A.T.O. countries and the more anti-capitalist periphery.
But onto the task at hand: debunking claims that the Nazis were socialist.
           
Here’s the first claim: “Nazism is short for national socialism, and that makes it socialism”.
It’s true that that’s what it’s short for, but just having the word socialism in the name doesn’t necessarily make it socialist, doesn’t make the system mostly socialist, doesn’t prove real socialism was intended or achieved.
            John McCain runs as a Republican, but does he represent the true values of republicanism? Bernie Sanders calls himself alternatively a Democrat, a socialist, or a democratic socialist; does that make him one or the other? Isn’t that for the democrats and socialists to decide, aren’t they the ones who best know the difference?
            Is the Patriot Act patriotic just because the word is used in the name of the law? Take Obamacare, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Does using those words prove that Obama cares, that patients are really protected?
            To say that Nazis are socialists because they use the word socialism, is like saying that the monkey-bird is a monkey because it’s got the word monkey in it. Insisting that it is, doesn’t make it any less a bird.
             Yes, “national socialism” was the term used; the full name of the Nazi Party was the nationalsozialistiche deutsche arbeiter partei, or National Socialist German Workers’ Party. In the early 1920s, Hitler spied on the German Workers’ Party, then infiltrated it, won its trust, and changed its name so as to add ‘nationalsozialistiche” up-front, making it the N.S.D.A.P..
            This was done (as I will demonstrate throughout the rest of this article) as a ruse, to lure socialists into the Nazi Party, in order to boost its popularity, the number of members in its ranks, and its police and military power. The Nazis were not socialists; they were profoundly anti-socialist; they cared about workers only in so much as was necessary to work them to death.
That is not the goal of socialism. That may have been what Lenin and Stalin wanted (for some people), but the new socialists and communists understand that it’s not a crime, or shameful, to avoid unnecessary work and unnecessarily difficult labor. The word “socialist” was included in the full name of the Nazi Party because the Nazis saw it as a way to trick socialists into joining the party, and then betray them.

Here’s the second claim: “Nazis were socialists because they had a socialist economy”.
This is false. Nazis hated socialists and viewed them as political tools. The Nazis did not practice socialism, nor did they achieve socialism. They weren’t trying to achieve socialism, they were lying.
The Nazi economic policy was not socialism, but dirigisme, D-I-R-I-G-I-S-M (and in some languages it ends with an E). Dirigism is about the direction of economic affairs by the government. It involves a significant role for the state in the ownership and management of firms and resources. Dirigism is based on the “Colbertian mercantilism” of French economist Jean-Baptiste Colbert. Colbert advocated state power to pass protectionist measures to support firms, and interventions in the economy, which most socialists and advocates of free markets despise.
Dirigisme was the economic system used in the Falangist regime of Franco in Spain, the Fascist regime of Mussolini in Italy, and the Nazi regime of Hitler in Germany. Dirigisme is the economic system most closely associated with 20th century WWII European ultranationalism. I would loosely describe fascism as the political expression of the economic system of dirigisme. That’s what Hitler and the Nazis practiced – dirigisme, not socialism.
Dirigisme and central planning can be capitalist, or socialist, or even a mixed economy. Dirigisme, as enacted in Nazi Germany, was a far-right expression; as far-right as you can go without cutting off trade with even your best trading partners.
I should note, as a reminder, that not all socialists are Marxists, and Marx didn’t invent socialism. So if you want to criticize socialism, you may or may not be criticizing something that Marxists want as well. It could even be argued that Marx was not really a socialist, because he was influenced by classical liberal economists such as Adam Smith.
The Nazis did not have a socialist economy, they had a dirigist economy. Some Nazi Party members did want socialism, but they were nowhere near in charge of the party, and so, they became its victims.

            The third claim: “Nazi Germany was a mixed-economy, it was half-socialist”
            The mere presence of a government, or public services, or a welfare state, or unions, does not make a system socialist. Supporting the rights of only ethnic Germans, and providing public services to solely or mostly them, is certainly not what Marx meant by “workers of the world unite”; he wanted cooperation across language and ethnicity. Socialism is an economic system – societal control, management, or ownership of the means of production – and the Nazis used a different economic system, dirigisme.
            I can’t think of a time I’ve ever heard about a Nazi – politician, soldier, sympathizer, or activist – start an anarchist commune, help build a kibbutz, nor lobby for the abolition of interest, profit, nor landlordism altogether. True, the Nazi Party did advocate debt forgiveness - and even the abolition of usury, ground rent, and land speculation - but they wanted those things to primarily benefit the German people, certainly not the nearly 20% of its population which were deemed "sub-human" and "inferior".
            Nazis weren’t economic moderates or mixed-economy; they favored autarky – that’s autarky with a k, not a c-h – this means economic independence and self-sufficiency for the nation. It involves protectionist measures to benefit domestic industry; with workers working, for wages, for firms that operate on a for-profit basis. And it features limited privatization of state industries (that is, the selling-off of state resources to private owners in-name, while the state retains control over it), and a heavy role for state and its interference. Sound familiar?
In addition to all that, however, Nazi economics featured rationing. In extreme cases, the country cuts off trade with the rest of the world, leading to what’s called a closed economy. To describe this as a communist one would be a stretch, because the Communist Manifesto calls for international cooperation, however it doesn’t exactly call for international trade, because that would be to legitimize the idea that markets are still necessary, an idea with which most communists would disagree.
A mixed economy can be libertarian or authoritarian, but either way, a mixed economy involves a regulated market, with about half the firms being either cooperatively run E.L.M.F.s – “egalitarian labor managed firms” – and other firms that practice the principle “cost the limit of price” – basically, that they operate on a not-for-profit basis, and reinvest any excess product back into the company, to help workers and consumers and the community.
The mere presence of unions and a welfare state – even a strong welfare state – does not necessarily guarantee or prove that a country (or state, or community) is socialist, or that it’s trying to be one, or anything. It’s certainly not socialist if it has heavily regulated union activity, lots of banned union activities, and a poorly managed, inefficient welfare state. Socialists don’t want those things; neoliberals do.
Socialists want cooperative management of the means of production, and they want to keep all they produce, so that a welfare state is unnecessary. Neoliberals want a welfare state so they can use it to scheme, defraud it, enrich themselves, and sabotage the poor to create a state of artificial dependence. That is not what socialists want. I’m not trying to go out of my way to defend socialists, neoliberals, and Nazis, it’s just that what each of them believes is getting blurred together and confused, and that helps nobody.
Nazis weren’t half-socialist, they didn’t have a mixed economy; they practiced one of the many forms of capitalism – dirigist mercantilism – therefore, they were on the right. They traded with some of the biggest international corporations at the time.

            The fourth claim: “Hitler explicitly stated that national socialism was socialist, and wanted to create a uniquely German form of socialism.”
            If you believe that, then most likely, you saw a quote on the internet that was attributed to Hitler, but was actually said by someone else.
            Here’s the purported Hitler quote that the “Nazis are socialist” proponents often bring up: “We are socialists, enemies, mortal enemies of the present capitalist economic system with its exploitation of the economically weak, with its injustice in wages, with its immoral evaluation of individuals according to wealth and money instead of responsibility and achievement, and we are determined under all circumstances to abolish this system…”.
            Gregor Strasser said that, not Adolf Hitler. Gregor and Otto Strasser were brothers, the leaders of the left-wing “Strasserist” faction within the Nazi Party. Strasserism combined anti-Semitism with socialism, and the opposition to both German capitalism and Jewish capitalism. This stands in contrast to what Hitler wanted, which was to combine capitalism with anti-Semitism, with a socialist façade.
            When people present this quote as proof that Hitler was a true socialist, they are sharing the words of a man who was murdered on Hitler’s orders, in a mid-1934 purge called the Night of the Long Knives. The purge was led by Ernst Rohm, leader of the S.A. (Sturmabteilung; Stormtroopers, also called brownshirts), the paramilitary arm of the Nazi Party.
            Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels promoted socialism - while subtly subverting socialist principles to Nazi ideas, by conflating society with the state and the nation – as a way to lure working people into the party, to boost its ranks and grow its strength, power, and influence.
            Propaganda Minister was literally Joseph Goebbels’s job title. His office was called the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda. You can’t trust someone like that to adhere to socialist principles just because he claims to be a socialist. Nazis lie, that’s what they do. Mussolini did the same thing to Italian socialists as Hitler and Goebbels did to the Strassers, as Franklin D. Roosevelt did to Norman Thomas and Henry George before him; they stole all their good ideas, repackaged them as worker-socialism with subtle undercurrents of ultranationalism, and left-wing paternalism and patriotism, and destroyed the ideals of socialism, and murdered socialists along with them. Musssolini, by the way, described fascism as “the merger of state and corporate power”, saying that it should more accurately be called corporatism.
Lastly, “A uniquely German form of socialism” more aptly describes the Strassers than Hitler and his ilk. In the Ukraine, Nestor Makhno fought the Soviets in his attempt to found a uniquely Ukrainian form of socialism. The Strassers, Makhnovism, social nationalism, and integral nationalism are all terms which would be of interest to someone looking for actual attempts to combine (or reconcile, synthesize, or sublimate) socialism and nationalism, rather than to simply disguise nationalism as socialism.
            Hitler never articulated a vision of National Socialism which could rightfully described as anywhere near approaching actual socialism; it doesn’t even resemble failed or collapsed socialism. Hitler and Goebbels did overtly claim to be socialists, but that quote was from Gregor Strasser, who supported socialism, unlike Hitler, a fraud of a “socialist” who murdered socialists and destroyed everything socialists stand for, arrested communists and social democrats, and banned most unions.

            Claim number five: “Nazis were socialists because they had a state, and socialism is statism”.
            Anyone who believes that a state is what makes something socialist, probably also believes that, as the meme says, “socialism is when the government does stuff, and the more stuff it does, the more socialister it is”. A state is a political arrangement, while socialism is an economic system. Statism and socialism are not the same thing.
Yes, there is state socialism, but there is also libertarian socialism, and socialist expressions of anarchism, and the goal of socialism is anarchist communism. The leftists’ and Marxists’ idea of the state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) is profoundly different from the way Nazis, other authoritarians, and most conservatives understand it. Most on the left want to convert the bourgeois Westphalian nation-state to a more democratic, populist, and internationalist one as soon as possible, only using the state to facilitate the transition for as long as they have to.
Marxists don’t exactly "support the state"; certainly not the way it is currently structured. On the contrary; just like political libertarians do, Marxists see the state as a temporary tool to achieve a better state of affairs. The question, for revolutionary purity’s sake, is how long that should take, and which ideology has the better track record of dissolving the state the fastest after they have gotten a hold of it. 
            A big welfare state is not what socialists want. They want robust and diverse union activity, transitions to worker management of workplaces, and sustainable growth of community-oriented cooperative nonprofit enterprises, where those who labor retain the freedom to keep all of what they earn, with full rights to adjudge (within reason) what is the full product of their labor, and what form of compensation would suffice as its equivalent (cough, labor, cough cough).
          Socialists don’t support welfarism, they support socialism; the freedom of workers to keep what they make and earn, so that they never need to go on welfare, or establish a welfare state. It’s neoliberals who want a welfare state, while the progressives (who often depend on it) feel conflicted, and know something about it isn’t working right.
             If you’re going to criticize Nazis for controlling a state, and claim that that makes it socialist, then by that logic, Donald Trump, Obama, the Bushes, Bill Clinton, Ron Paul, Gary Johnson, Jill Stein, the Pope, me, Adam Kokesh, and everyone who’s ever agreed to abide by the outcome of a democratic election, qualify as statists and socialists; including independent parties, people who run but continue to openly espouse anarchy, et cetera.
Is that an accurate picture of reality; Ludwig von Mises standing up and shouting “you’re all a bunch of socialists”? Since when does “socialist” mean “control freak”? When I grew up, you called a control freak a Nazi. What happened? In dire financial times, both socialist and nationalist governments have been known to resort to rationing, cartels, price controls, wage controls, mandatory recycling, forced labor, the draft, gun control measures, and other compulsory, command-and-control measures. It's not only socialists, not only fascists, who do these things.
            If you want to argue against Marx supporting centralization or the temporary use of the state, that’s fine, but keep in mind that political libertarians, just like Marxists, democrats, and liberals, believe in grabbing hold of the state, to get it under control, and use it to make a smooth transition to a better society. They all tolerate, or even rely on, some level of statism, gradualism, and concentration of political power in order to achieve their objectives.
Don’t do what Goebbels recommended; don’t accuse your opponent of doing what you do. It is of no use to a diplomat if, when he criticizes another country for committing an atrocity, his own country does the same thing. Do not be guilty of that which you accuse your opponent, or your opponent will feel it totally justified to sink to your level.
Yes, the Marxist interpretation of socialism, as articulated in The Communist Manifesto, does involve the control of a state, and conversion of it to a more proletarian socialist conception of a state, during a transition period. However, simply because Nazis managed a state and called themselves socialist, doesn’t mean they really represented the interests of all of society. On the contrary, they destroyed precious freedoms and civil liberties that both classical liberals and socialists treasure. The Nazis did, by no means, act in the interest of the wider society that lived on the land they occupied.
Communism, Nazism, fascism, and state socialism are political arrangements. Capitalism, socialism, dirigisme, and a mixed economy are economic systems. Socialism’s goal is stateless communism, and there are plenty of anarchist and anti-authoritarian currents within socialism. Being in control of a state does not make you a socialist, because socialism is an economic system; just like market-oriented economics, it comes with no guarantee of either statism or freedom.

And finally, the sixth and last claim: “Nazism is a collectivist ideology, and that makes it socialism”.
Collectivism can be defined as either public or state ownership of the means of production, or as a moral worldview that supports giving groups precedence over individuals. The definition of collectivism does not perfectly overlap with the definition of socialism, and the use of the word “collectivism” may not always denote an economic system.
In the same way that "All squares are rectangles, but not all rectangles are squares”, Nazism may be collectivist, but that doesn’t mean that all collectivists are Nazis. And if they aren't, then we can’t safely conclude that either all socialists are Nazis, nor even that all socialists are collectivist.
Also, I’ve got news for you: if you expect to live in a civilized society, or community, or work in a workplace, or trade in markets, you’re going to have to allow for some amount of collectivism in your life. That is, unless you want to live by yourself.
Nazism and socialism are both forms of collectivism, but they’re collectivist in different ways. Nazis believe that the collective, and society, are best embodied in the nation, the state, and the segment of society with the right ethnicity and the superior blood and genetics. Socialists see the collective, and society, as the totality of peoples and lands of the world. Marx said “workers of the world, unite”, not “pure-blooded workers of the greater German-speaking realm, unite!”.  The Communist Manifesto calls for anarcho-communism through cooperation across borders and nations; a society without states, class divisions, nor currency.
Additionally, not all forms of socialism are collectivist through-and-through. Yes, Nazism, communism, socialism, statism all have collectivist elements. But there are socialists, and types of socialism, that are very individualistic, or free market, or patriotic, or even (as I’ve explained) nationalist.
Max Stirner’s idea of the Union of Egoists is one example; his writing expresses socialist and communist ideas while remaining quite individualistic and subjective. Austromarxist Otto Bauer supported self-determination of individuals into non-territorial nations; his idea is called “National Personal Autonomy”, and it combines social democracy with individualism and nationalism. There’s also socialist anarchist Emma Goldman, and many other anarchists with both socialist and individualist views, such as Benjamin Tucker, Lysander Spooner. Henry George, and mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, each attempted to explain how property and communism could coexist.
During World War II, German Christian Democratic Socialist Sophie Scholl was executed after leafleting her criticism of Hitler’s reckless military tactics, but she demonstrated her patriotism in her messages by lamenting the needless loss of a third of a million German troops in the Battle of Stalingrad. The philosopher, and well-known critic of totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt, is often described as a socialist, even though she openly criticized multiculturalism and the welfare state.
Socialism can be individualist, that it can be patriotic or even nationalist, and that it can even accommodate markets and coexist alongside private property and the privacy of personal freedom. Socialism and capitalism are when the economy features (respectively) public and private ownership of the means of production, not necessarily when all property is managed one way or the other. That means that private capitalism and public socialism can co-exist side by side in peace.
If socialism can be free – and if it can tolerate, accommodate, or even borrow some ideas traditionally thought to come from the right, then that means that socialism can be combined with ultranationalism (as in the Strassers), but also that socialism can be combined with anarchism (as in the anarcho-syndicalism of Rudolf Rocker). It also means that just because someone says the Nazis used socialism, doesn’t make it so, and doesn’t mean all socialist experiments have Nazi goals. And certainly, not all attempts to create a mixed economy end in Nazism.
Considering that 1% of American firms are cooperatively run, if you’re going to claim that means we have a mixed economy today, then I’ll hold you to that, as long as you’ll admit that means socialism and capitalism can coexist. I know I’m talking about a heavily regulated economy, and yes, I do think it would be easier for them to coexist without the state to get in the way.
Capitalism, socialism, and even nationalism are not necessarily statist; we only associate nationalism with statism because the major mode of actually existing nationalism is the modern nation-State. It hasn’t always been that way, and it doesn’t have to. You can learn more by looking up terns like proletarian internationalism, libertarian socialism, anarcho-communism, free communism, libertarian communism, national syndicalism, national anarchism, and synthesis anarchism.
That’s why it’s preposterous to claim that “all Nazis are collectivists, and all collectivists are socialists, therefore all Nazis are socialists”. Many Nazi sympathizers claim to despise all forms of collectivism, while failing to see the collectivism inherent in their world-view.
It is intellectually dishonest to blur Nazism, nationalism, statism, socialism, and collectivism, together as if they were the same thing. In my opinion, people do this as a way to over-simplify the set of political and economic ideas that are not as individualist (or libertarian, or free-market, or capitalist) as the system they desire. I see this as over-simplification, which is intellectually irresponsible.
Not all socialism is statist; not all socialism is collectivist. Nazism is a political system, and socialism is an economic system, while collectivism can be defined as either public or state ownership of the means of production, or as a moral worldview that supports giving groups precedence over individuals.

So there we have it: Nazism is not socialism.
It’s hard enough to get liberals to understand that Ludwig von Mises wasn’t a Nazi, but rather a Jew who had to escape Nazis, and that the “austrofascist” he worked for (Austrian president Engelbert Dollfuss) actually banned the Nazi Party in Austria, and was killed by Nazis in 1934. However, his troops fought armed socialists earlier that year, and at a time when each socialists and fascists in Austria had mixed feelings about Anschluss (unification) with Germany. Does that make Dollfuss a Nazi? Maybe. Mises? Probably not. This is, by no means, easy to explain to the average person who’d call a Libertarian a racist.
I know that the things I talk about can be some extremely complex to a lot of people; how socialism, nationalism, libertarianism, et cetera, intersect, what they have in common, how and why they’re confused with each other. I do appreciate people reading the entirety of what I have to say on matters like this, and I hope I’ve provided accurate information. I welcome criticism about it.
In my opinion, believing that Nazis were socialists, or that Nazism is a freer or milder political system than the ones we typically find practicing socialist economics, are major stumbling blocks to understanding the economics and history of the 20th century. To believe that Nazis were socialists is to believe that all socialists are evil authoritarians. If we want people to be properly educated, this will not do.

Some liberals will try to defend the idea that, because, back in the 1930s, The Economist magazine called Hitler’s policies “privatization”, that somehow means that all advocacy for private property rights, however defined, are secret codes for Nazism.
As if it’s not hard enough to criticize liberals for believing this, I also have to point out that Nazi sympathizers are often stupid enough to fall for this neoliberal propaganda, such that when they’re asked to more thoroughly explain their beliefs, they’ll support privatization, and even privatization the way the Nazis did it, seemingly unaware that it’s the state that performs that privatization, and that privatization does not necessarily result in either more complete private property rights, freer markets, or more financial freedom, which are what true conservatives are supposed to value.
If you can’t refuse to let the police into “your home” or “your business”, then it’s not really yours, and it’s not really private property. That goes whether they’re looking for you, your money, your possessions, evidence, your family, and, most importantly for the purposes of this discussion, Jewish people. Nazism had state-directed privatization, not real private property rights, not free markets.

I have to debunk one last claim, not because it’s common (it’s not), but because it borders on being offensive: “the worst thing about Nazism is that it’s socialist”. To me, this suggests that the person who said it believes that genocide is preferable to socialism, maybe even that genocide is the inevitable outcome of socialism. In fact, the same person who said this, also wrote that “genocide is only possible with mass institutional property rights violations; i.e., socialism”.
Yes, “mass institutional property rights violations” do make genocide easier to carry out. “Private property violations” is nowhere close to the actual definition of socialism. To say that socialism has to involve violations of private property rights is someone’s opinion, it’s subjective, and it depends a whole lot on how you define each one of those words (private, property, and rights).
To have mass property violations, you have to first have property protections. Yes, states can violate, and have violated people’s property rights in order to commit genocide, but to say genocide is only possible with mass institutionalized private property violations, is to suggest that our tribal ancestors never slaughtered other tribes en masse until the state made it possible, which in my judgment does appear to be the case.
That, as well as the fact that not all socialism is statist. Moreover, socialists would argue that it is the opposite economic philosophies – dirigisme and capitalism – which disregard private property rights. The deprivation of the workers’ rights to the full product of their labor, their negotiation rights, rights to union activity, rights to adequate compensation, a say in how their workplace is managed, a share of the company, and the right of a man to keep his land, community, and environment safe from people who want to pressure him to sell it so it can be stripped and exploited to destruction; are these not “private property rights”?
Hasn’t capitalism destroyed every notion we have that men and nature are more than just resources to be bought and sold? Haven’t capitalists destroyed property rights more than socialists have?

Saying “Nazis are socialists” is an insult to everyone who’s ever taken an interest in making sure we have a just economic arrangement; that workers’ rights to just compensation, and a safe and healthful work environment, be respected.
They say, “Nazis are socialists, because socialism and statism are the same thing”. Sometimes they’ll even cite the fact that Hitler was elected democratically, as a way to falsely equate representative democracy with socialism. This is to describe everyone who has ever run for political office as Nazis, and it is to describe the entire democratic process, and perhaps even voting itself, as Naziesque. And the democratic process, and representative democracy, came around a long time before the Nazi Party did.

Nazis betrayed socialists. Saying socialists are Nazis is like calling a hostage a criminal for cooperating with his captors, and then mocking him for being murdered by them. Yes, socialists fell for the “national socialist” dodge, but so did, for a time, America, Churchill, and Time Magazine (and especially the Bushes and Brown Brothers Harriman, until the Trading With the Enemy Act put an end to that).
The Nazis were corporate capitalists, and so are the Bushes. Nowhere in this article have I implied that Nazism and free markets are the same thing, nor that capitalism and the free market are the same thing. I do this because I don’t want anyone to conflate authoritarian right-wing economics with libertarian right-wing economics, and I don’t want that because I don’t want anyone to do the same with left-wing economics.
The economics, and the history, of everything that happened in the 20th century, will be so much easier to understand if the “Nazis are socialists” and “socialism is statism” crowd would see the world clearly for a moment, stop scaring people about what socialism is, and that the communism it wants is always authoritarian and results in mass murder. Don’t stoop to defending the Holocaust because you need to prove Stalin was a worse guy than Hitler. Nobody in their right mind thinks Stalin or Hitler did more good than harm to the world.

Socialism is not Nazism. If we elect Bernie Sanders and he implements socialism, he’s not going to kill all the Jews. If you think he will, then I will suspect you of wanting to kill Jews, because you’d have to be crazy, and as big a liar as Goebbels was, to allege such a thing.
I would really enjoy it if I could stop living in the non-stop internet World War II re-enactment, where there are Nazis and Soviet Communists everywhere, that you’ve created because some crazy politician has whipped you into an offensive or defensive frenzy.
One last thought: I don’t know if Richard Spencer is telling the truth about whether he supports “universal health care” (whatever that term means), but I’d suggest staying open to the possibility that he’s lying. But remember, too, that people define universal health care different. Trump at one point said he wanted universal health care. Who knows what either of them could mean by it; keep Obamacare? Universal care or universal insurance? Replace Tom Price with a student of Mengele? Too bad we can’t trust Trump or Spencer to tell us the truth about what universal health care means to them.
But if Spencer or Trump support something that they call universal health care, that fact alone is not going to make them socialists; the only thing that would make them socialists would be to change 80 to 100% of their world-view. Most socialists would likely advocate something they’d call universal health care, but the definition of socialism is societal management of the means of production; it says nothing about whether there should be a welfare state.
It is the prerogative of socialists today - not anybody else - to decide whether a welfare state is what socialism means, and to decide whether Democrats' criticism of certain unions is valid, and what to do about it. Socialists must not allow Alt-Righters and Nazi sympathizers – nor the saboteurs of the socialisms and communisms of the past – to tell people what socialism is and what it isn’t.
The whole difficulty in all of this revolves around trying to tell whether a self-described socialist is really telling the truth, and really a socialist; one who sees a free communism – not widespread discrimination and destruction – as socialism’s ultimate goal. The last thing that is going to help us understand all of this is to lump-together several ideologies, call them "collectivist" to distinguish them from whatever brand of supposed individualism you prefer, and base your entire argument on free word-association.



For counterpoints to the arguments I have presented here, please read George Rausman's November 2005 essay "Why Nazism Was Socialism and Why Socialism Is Totalitarian":
https://mises.org/library/why-nazism-was-socialism-and-why-socialism-totalitarian

or watch the 2016 video "The Nazis Have Socialist Roots", featuring Andrew Klavan and Bill Whittle:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WgTZSjmUKRQ

and to learn more about my views on the relationship between neoliberal democracy and Nazism, read my January 2011 article "Obama and Hitler: Compare and Contrast":
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2011/01/obama-vs-hitler-compare-and-contrast.html




Image not created by author



Incidentally, the purported Hitler quote in the above image is actually attributable to Joseph Goebbels. But if you keep claiming that Hitler said it, and repeat that lie over and over again, then eventually people will believe it.



Post-Script by the Author, October 10th, 2017:

Since the main body of the text include quotations by Joseph Goebbels and Gregor Strasser that were misattributed to Adolf Hitler, I find it necessary and helpful to include in this post-script some of the man's (Hitler's) own words on the matter.
In a 1923 interview with George Sylvester Viereck of The Economist - edited and republished in Liberty magazine in 1932, and The Guardian in 2007 - Hitler made the following comments on socialism, communism, and National Socialism:

"Why," I asked Hitler, "do you call yourself a National Socialist, since your party programme is the very antithesis of that commonly accredited to socialism?"
"Socialism," he retorted, putting down his cup of tea, pugnaciously, "is the science of dealing with the common weal. Communism is not Socialism. Marxism is not Socialism. The Marxians have stolen the term and confused its meaning. I shall take Socialism away from the Socialists.
"Socialism is an ancient Aryan, Germanic institution. Our German ancestors held certain lands in common. They cultivated the idea of the common weal. Marxism has no right to disguise itself as socialism. Socialism, unlike Marxism, does not repudiate private property. Unlike Marxism, it involves no negation of personality, and unlike Marxism, it is patriotic.
"We might have called ourselves the Liberal Party. We chose to call ourselves the National Socialists. We are not internationalists. Our socialism is national. We demand the fulfillment of the just claims of the productive classes by the state on the basis of race solidarity. To us state and race are one."


Although some may be prepared to take these comments as proof that Hitler was a socialist; this is not so. What we call socialism today may or may not necessarily correspond or overlap with, the primitive form of communism which Hitler described (which, as Hitler points out, does not advocate the abolition of private property). This should make Marxism and National Socialism distinct enough.
In case I've still failed to make my case persuasively, I feel that the singular Hitler quotation "I shall take Socialism away from the Socialists" should more than sufficiently demonstrate that his plan was to distort and twist the ideals of the day's popular German Marxism, and rebrand it as a fascist, corporatist ideology, supporting racist ultranationalism and opposing internationalism, creating a parody of workerist socialism, which ironically allows for the joint exploitation of workers by the representatives of state and capital.
This is not to say, however, that none of those accusations can be leveled at Lenin and Stalin; many can. But debating the merits of Bolshevism vs. Nazism is not the primary focus of this article.



Image not created by author



          Post-Script by the Author, October 22nd, 2017:

          In case there is any lingering doubt left as to whether Hitler and the Nazis were socialists, Hitler's own words from Mein Kampf (although the book's authorship has been disputed) should suffice as an additional example of Hitler's own words demonstrating an intent to "take socialism away from the socialists":

         "Yes, how often did they not turn up in huge numbers, those supporters of the Red Flag, all previously instructed to smash up everything once and for all and put an end to these meetings. More often than not everything hung on a mere thread, and only the chairman's ruthless determination and the rough handling by our ushers baffled our adversaries' intentions. And indeed they had every reason for being irritated. 
The fact that we had chosen red as the colour for our posters sufficed to attract them to our meetings. The ordinary bourgeoisie were very shocked to see that, we had also chosen the symbolic red of Bolshevism and they regarded this as something ambiguously significant. The suspicion was whispered in German Nationalist circles that we also were merely another variety of Marxism, perhaps even Marxists suitably disguised, or better still, Socialists. The actual difference between Socialism and Marxism still remains a mystery to these people up to this day. The charge of Marxism was conclusively proved when it was discovered that at our meetings we deliberately substituted the words 'Fellow-countrymen and Women' for 'Ladies and Gentlemen' and addressed each other as 'Party Comrade'. We used to roar with laughter at these silly faint-hearted bourgeoisie and their efforts to puzzle out our origin, our intentions and our aims. 
We chose red for our posters after particular and careful deliberation, our intention being to irritate the Left, so as to arouse their attention and tempt them to come to our meetings – if only in order to break them up – so that in this way we got a chance of talking to the people."













These images not created by author



For the full text of Hitler's autobiography Mein Kampf, visit:

For first-hand information on Nazi ideology, read the Nazi Party's original 25-point platform at:
https://www.scrapbookpages.com/DachauScrapbook/25Points.html

For a counter-point to the views presented here, read George Reisman's 2005 article "Why Nazism Was Socialism, and Why Socialism is Totalitarian", for the Von Mises Institute:
https://mises.org/library/why-nazism-was-socialism-and-why-socialism-totalitarian

For another counter-point, read David Gordon's 2009 article "Nazi Economic Policy" for the Von Mises Institute:

To read my thoughts regarding the similarities between Nazism and neo-liberalism, read my 2011 article "Obama vs. Hitler: Compare and Contrast":
http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2011/01/obama-vs-hitler-compare-and-contrast.html



Originally Written on September 29th, 2017

Expanded on September 30th, 2017
Edited on September 30th; October 4th, 10th, and 14th, 2017;
and October 30th, 2017

Post-Scripts Written on October 10th and 22nd, 2017
Originally Published on September 30th, 2017

Fourth and Fifth from Last Images Added on December 2nd, 2017
Second and Third to Last Images Added on January 25th, 2018
Last Image Added on September 1st, 2020

Sunday, April 10, 2011

Feudalism and the Class War

You may be unaware that I consider myself neither a completely Progressivistic Social-Democratic Liberal, nor a completely Libertarian Laissez-Faire Capitalist. I do not advocate for a total absence of public involvement in marketplace affairs because I value the usefulness of public entities such as governments and public-employee unions in preventing fraud, abuse, and coercion, especially when they are actually effective in doing so.
I desire to expand the liberty of the individual and of the private sphere in general by legalizing competition in areas of service provision in which governments typically wield monopoly power. I want to reform the law so that private-sector entities become freer to fairly compete with public-sector entities in the provision of charity and social reform.
This makes me an Agorist, or a Social-Libertarian, and that is why I desire to forge coalitions between Progressives and Libertarians. Such coalitions may often be temporary on economic issues, but they would likely be permanent on many civic and social issues, such as defense and legal rights.
Agorist philosophy uses free-market solutions to address Marxist criticisms of political, economic, and social problems, and so, reconciliation between Progressives and Libertarians in a way that brings about a synthesis of their ideologies is crucial to bring about these ends.
Many mainstream, conservative Republicans today seem to want to paint Progressives as a bunch of Christmas-banning Jihadi who want to take this country back to 636 – when the prophet Muhammad had just died and the Arabs were beginning to conquer the Levant – and to paint Libertarians as a bunch of government-hating racists who want to take this country back to 1964 – when government, business, and society in general discriminated against minorities, and American infrastructure was relatively underdeveloped.
But I, as a Social-Libertarian, am willing to compromise on how far backwards this country should be taken. I want to go back not to 636, nor to 1964, but to a date half-way between them, at least in terms of the world-view to which I’d like to expose people. That date is 1300; the date when the Middle High Ages ended, and the end-date of traditional Feudalism.

Considering recent events in American politics – such as the conflict between Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and certain types of government employee unions over benefits and collective bargaining rights, the extremely narrow state judicial election which occurred in its wake, and conflict between governors and public-sector unions in states across the country (most notably in the Midwest) – polarization between the left and the right appears to be at a fever pitch.
I feel that the contempt which has arisen from differences in economic ideology largely stems from a lack of public education about the history of the development of economics over the last several hundred years.
On the left side of the political spectrum, we have Liberals, Progressives, Socialists, and Communists all lumped into one class. On the right side, we have Conservatives, Capitalists, Libertarians, and Market-Anarchists all lumped into the other class. This is a class system which is primarily based on a binary division between general economic disposition, and on little else, if anything.
In America today, we see most Liberals, Progressives, Socialists, and Communists uniting under the banner of the Democratic Party; and most Conservatives, Capitalists, Libertarians, and Market-Anarchists uniting under the banner of the Republican Party. No group is perfectly represented, and the boundaries of neither group are clearly defined.

Instead, voters are given two well-established and therefore consistently-viable choices, and thus, they feel compelled to rally behind and defend the leaders of the parties who have the most name recognition, visibility, prominence, influence, clout, and financial backing. And so, almost everyone who votes is given the uncomfortable choice between either criticizing those in charge, or else defending them half-heartedly.
It may often seem helpful to take several ideological movements and lump them in with each other for the sake of simplicity, but I believe that drawing only one line separating half of the political spectrum from the other is not only unproductive, but also that it confuses things more than it helps people understand what is really going on, and how we got where we are.
Today, most welfare recipients, public employees such as teachers and certain types of hospital staff, and industrial workers who belong to unions tend to rally behind their representatives in the Democratic Party; and self-employed individuals, small and local businessmen, private contractors, white-collar employers, and those in the banking and insurance industries tend to rally behind their representatives in the Republican Party.
In terms of the general division that is commonly made between the two dominant economic ideologies, Democrats are considered to be Socialist-leaning, while Republicans are considered to be Capitalist-leaning. But it is really only a very small percentage of the voters of each party whose ultimate goal is a perfect fulfillment of those economic visions.
So small, in fact, because, to those voters – or would-be voters – of extreme or absolutist ideologies, the parties by which they grudgingly accept representation are all too similar to one another and / or too different from their own personal agendae for them to be willing to compromise their ideals by endorsing and defending such mainstream choices.
It is certainly not every Democrat who desires to implement a utopian, decentralized federation of participatory social-democratic communities, just as it is most assuredly not every Republican who desires to implement a society of regional-, state-, and / or locality-based governance based on total individual rights and perfectly fair competition in a totally free-market paradigm.
But in the same way, it is also not every Democrat who desires a highly-centralized globalist State with numerous expensive social welfare systems, just as it is not every Republican who desires a monolithic, isolationist State with a weakness for influence-peddling lobbyists, special interests, and corporate welfare.
Although Karl Marx once advocated a centralized, federalist banking system, he later disowned this viewpoint, making it clear that his ultimate goal was the anarcho-communalist paradigm, rather than the “Socialism” ascribed to the Wall Street regulars who pervade the administration of President Barack Obama, which is really not socialism, but a big-“D” Democratic form of Corporate-Protectionist Nationalism which is rigged to generate the privatization of profit and the socialization of losses.
By the same token, Agorist philosopher Samuel E. Konkin III once wrote, “...if the 'entrepreneuriat' are tossed into the Capitalist class, then the Marxist must face the contradiction of 'Capitalists' at war with the Capitalist-controlled State.” Liberals all too often lump Free-Market Libertarians and Main-Street Entrepreneurialists in with these so-called “Capitalists”, which most Libertarians view as having perverted and soiled the name of Capitalism.
Thus, together, Marx and Konkin made it clear: the heart of both pure Socialism and pure Capitalism is not the concentration of power; but rather, the diffusion of authority.
Unfortunately, it is all too often that Liberals and Progressives who grudgingly support the Obama Democrats get compared to Stalinists as parts of the Socialist or “leftist” class; and that small-government Libertarians are made to listen to those on the left lump them in with fraudulent, robber-baron, environmentally-hazardous corporate welfare cases as parts of the Capitalist or “rightist” class.
Despite the typical sidling-up of presidential candidates against one-another’s backs during lead-ups to national elections; rampant government bailouts for big business; and exploitation of workers by unions that often parallels, equals, assists, and enables the exploitation of workers by corporate management; these common misperceptions persist.
However, it has not always been the case that government and unions were aligned with one another against banks, big business, and entrepreneurs in the public mind. This is where Feudalism comes into the mix.

In Europe, before the Industrial Revolution, before labor unions and trade unions existed in the forms in which we know them today, and even before corporations existed, there was Feudalism. Feudalism brought with it the economic system known as Mercantilism, under which existed the guild unions, also known simply as guilds.
Mercantilism is most simply described as “State Capitalism”, but this phrase really only serves to obscure the true nature of the Feudalist, Mercantilist, and Guild-Unionist systems – and of Statism and Capitalism themselves – because in many ways, guild unions were the forerunners of not only Nationalistic Corporate-Protectionist Monopolism and Entrepreneurial Free-Market Capitalism (or Classical Liberalism, now commonly known as Libertarianism), but also of Labor-and-Trade-Unionism, State Socialism, National Syndicalism, and big-“C” Communism.
Under the Feudalist / Mercantilist / Guild-Unionist system, in any given town, townspeople who worked in whatever particular field belonged to the corresponding handicraft associations. In each handicraft association, the manufacturers and / or artisans had to cooperate and pool their resources – such as skills and materials – because they had a common interest and necessity; namely, producing what they had the resources to produce in order to sustain themselves and to keep wealth concentrated near themselves, their families, and their respective towns.
Being that this was centuries ago, when commerce was not well-integrated enough for there to be abundant and diverse resources, materials, and varieties of types of skills, which narrow range of products that the townspeople should make – and which townspeople should make them – was very important for maintaining the town’s wealth, its place in global commerce, and its reputation.
The principle that a locality should primarily focus on producing those things which it produces best and / or better than its neighbors – as well as on putting to good use the natural resources which are most abundant in the locality – are key aspects of Mercantilism.
Since the Feudal / Mercantilist State was ruled by the king, each local town’s business affairs were regulated by groups of authority figures who represented the king. These groups of authority figures can be likened to modern chambers of commerce, except tending towards a higher concentration of decision-making power towards the king, rather than a diffusion of authority towards the people.
Through the establishment of charters by the business authorities of the towns, handicraft associations became guild unions. The business authorities would regulate the guilds by granting their members privileges – such as letters of patent, trademarks, and exclusive retail rights in certain local areas – essentially, monopoly rights.
These rights of monopoly were augmented by regulations which required traveling foreign merchants to pay fees for permission to sell their goods in local markets. Being that the integration of commerce was low and inefficient, rarity and scarcity of certain goods – especially in remote and isolated places – inflated demand for such goods, giving merchants an increased financial incentive to travel in order to sell those scarce goods. Accordingly, guilds also had systems that helped provide funding for the lifestyles of domestic traveling merchants.
These regulations can be considered early forms of what are known today as tariffs – i.e., taxes on the importation of foreign goods – constituting evidence for the practice of the greater economic paradigm now known as Protectionism, which augments and strengthens Mercantilism by employing regulation and taxation to protect favored domestic industries against foreign markets.
The townspeople and the king’s regulating authorities had vested interest in maintaining the reputations of not only the towns, but of the guilds as well. They did so by ensuring that workers whom were affiliated with guilds were experienced; they imposed long, standardized periods of apprenticeship.
Regulators required handicraft workers to become masters in order to become members of guilds, and once they became guild members, they were eligible to run businesses. However, for those without sufficient capital and / or public approval, it was difficult to gain access to more materials and knowledge, and more difficult to earn permission to sell into certain markets.
We can see that this was a system in which craftsmen had to conform to high and rigid standards in the process of working to prove their worth over a long period of time, and a system in which monopoly rights were offered as a reward for earning public trust and having enough capital to continue one’s handicraft.
It was a system that rewarded hard work, but it also rewarded the accumulation of wealth in resources with a local business monopoly granted by the State, all but ensuring an increased accumulation of resource wealth for the rewarded person. It takes little stretch of the imagination to liken this to what we would now call corporate welfare.
Leftist economists often criticize Capitalists, claiming that the types of de-regulation which Capitalists desire naturally and inevitably lead to monopolization by the most reckless and competition-minded businesses. But libertarians and Austrian-School economists argue that monopoly and competition are clearly antithetical to one another, and that it is government which permits monopolization and protects those businesses which monopolize. I believe that I have shown through the Guild-Unionist example that this has been the case at least once throughout history.
Given that, under the Feudalist / Mercantilist / Guild-Union system, there were low populations, limited resources, and inefficient commercial integration, and that it would have been highly impractical and counter-productive for the townspeople and the government to do anything but work to prevent competition between groups of people who were involved in the same trade in the same town, we can see that the State – perhaps most notably and tellingly through its practice of requiring outsiders to pay in order to have a chance to compete – deliberately sought to maintain and entrench a state of nature in which townspeople remained dependent on one another and on the king’s representatives by preventing and imposing penalties on whatever it judged to be competition – whether foreign or domestic – which threatened the political, economic, social, or religious status quo.
Therefore, we can see in the Guild-Unionist system an inclination towards domestic business welfare and Protectionistic Mercantilism through the maintenance of government-granted monopoly rights and the suppression of competition through regulation and taxation.

But guild unions were, to an even more self-evident degree, forerunners of not only labor and trade unions, but also of Socialism and Communism. Being that guild unions were established through charters granted by local business regulators, their connection with the public sphere – i.e., the government – is glaringly obvious.
Guilds were also early avenues for the development of social welfare. Guild unions set up systems which allocated funding to health care for the sick and the elderly, as well as to support for widows and orphans, in addition to funding merchant travel, which I mentioned earlier.
Thus, the relationship between the social progress sought by guild unions – as it stood in the face of routine government granting of monopoly rights to domestic business – to the development of government-associated social welfare and publicly-funded redistribution of wealth for the purposes of general societal improvement cannot be ignored or downplayed as one of the most important developments in the history of Socialism and Communism.

Given these facts, we can see that there were aspects of the Guild-Union system which can be reasonably perceived as precursors of both Domestic Business Protectionism and Labor Socialism. However, that was just the way things were before the end of the 13th century. The 14th century saw an even deeper entrenchment of Domestic Business Protectionism.
In towns and cities, the merchant class began to acquire greater control over the means of production and venture capital, and they formed their own guilds which they could regulate themselves. This was a key turn in the development of what is today called Corporatism – or Corporativism, Corporatocracy, and even, sometimes, Fascism – in which business managers come to wield regulation power which is independent of the government, so much so, in fact, that they often begin to resemble governments unto themselves.
However, the situation in the countryside remained quite different and separate from the conditions in the towns and cities. In the country, where the guilds did not operate and their rules did not apply, the handicraft associations remained diffused and dispersed systems which were difficult to control.
Craftsmen had access to local markets, and were able to provide raw materials to networks of cottagers who based their work in their homes. They were free to turn profit in an absence of regulating authorities, and thus, they could easily become entrepreneurial capitalists. Therefore, we can see the framework of Laissez-Faire Entrepreneurial Venture-Capitalism beginning to take shape in the European countryside of the early 14th century.
This politicoeconomic system rounds out the three strains of rightist economic philosophy which grew out of the guild unions; Domestic Protectionistic Mercantilism gave rise to Corporatocracy – and, eventually, 20th-century Fascism – in the towns and cities, and to Classically-Liberal Free-Market Libertarian Entrepreneurial Venture-Capitalism in the country.

In his early 16th-century work Utopia, Thomas More noted that when lords invested in sheep in order to make profit off of their scarce and valuable wool, they would often require that common lands be enclosed in order to keep the sheep in.
More further explained that this eventually caused the impoverishment of the serfs who tended the land, driving them into the centers of towns and cities to seek employment, and that this caused an increase in the crime rate because, at times, these people were driven to steal out of simple necessity of survival.
Much of socioeconomic material philosophy traces the roots of – and attribute the causes of – European Socialism and Communism to what leftists occasionally refer to as the “privatization” of common “public” lands which were inhabited and tended-to by agrarian serfs. But what leftists often neglect to consider is that this “private-vs.-public” land dichotomy which they describe may not be so black-and-white.
In a Monarchical Feudalist State, not only was the king often a religious authority, but he was also the major proprietor of land, as well as the ultimate authority on economic and business affairs, and on regulation and the affairs of the State. The king was at once the embodiment of authority in the social and religious sphere, the private sphere, and the public sphere.
Therefore, the enclosing of common lands by kings and aristocrats could be characterized as a “privatization” of land just as easily as it could be characterized as public-sphere government land reclamation, thus making it arguably akin to eminent-domain takings.
I feel that to characterize common lands as “public” is to claim that the serfs were really free people, rather than slaves; commoners whom were mere subjects and property of the members of the chains of fealty above them which culminated at the top in the personage of the king.
Regardless of how one wishes to characterize this enclosing of land, its effects were clear. Agrarian serfs relocated from common land in the countryside to the centers of towns and cities, becoming compelled to sell their labor in order to survive.
After some generations, rapid development of industry and the integration of commerce made it both practical and necessary for industrial workers to band together in order to pressure management to give in to worker demands for better wages, benefits, and conditions. Thus, the liberal bourgeoisie was born, and along with it came the Anarcho-Syndicalist politicoeconomic philosophy.
In the early 20th century, labor unions, trade unions, and syndicates began to realize that they were too weak, and so they decided it could benefit them to reach out to governmental entities to help them secure legal guarantees of the economic and social rights which their movements had already begun to achieve de-facto. This was the birth of the State Socialism and National Syndicalism politicoeconomic systems, which coincided with the rise of Progressivism and the advocacy of social welfare within both the Democratic and Republican American political parties.
Given these facts, we can see that not only did the guild unions give birth to several rightist economic strains of thought, but also that the guilds were predecessors to several leftist economic ideologies. Localistic, Guild-Unionist Welfare-Statism gave rise not only to Anarcho-Syndicalism, but also to National Syndicalism and State Socialism, in which governments take on the agendae of unions.
Given that the by-and-large reclamation of common land in the countryside all but eradicated leftist economic philosophies from anywhere other than the towns and cities to which their proponents fled, I feel that Anarcho-Syndicalism, National Syndicalism, and State Socialism are all primarily bourgeois politicoeconomic philosophies.

Earlier, I mentioned that Agorist philosopher Samuel E. Konkin III viewed Agorism as the use of free-market principles to solve Marxist problems. I also mentioned that Marx eventually retreated from his advocacy of federalism and centralization. A synthesis of Marx and Konkin reveals that pure Socialism and pure Capitalism can co-exist, as their essences are an emphasis on localistic authority.
Furthermore, a synthesis of small-“d” democracy and small-“r” republicanism reveals that the essences of both of these systems also lie in an emphasis on localistic authority. While democracy places that authority in the majority of votes in a given community, republicanism places that authority in the majority of votes in a given community, municipality, country, state, or region, but within the constraints of written law.
Localistic authority is also emphasized by Austrian Marxist Otto Bauer and French Classical Liberal Frederic Bastiat. Bauer and Bastiat respectively articulated Socialist and Capitalist conceptualizations of an idea known as jurisdictional aterritoriality.
While Bauer’s concept of pure Socialism – which he called National Personal Autonomy – relied on the principle of organizing individuals and communities on the basis of simple associations irrespective of where they are located, Bastiat’s concept of pure Capitalism – which, through the course of its development by his intellectual heirs, came to be known as Panarchism (or Pantarchism) – relied on the principle of allowing individuals ultimate liberty in choosing who represents, protects, and defends them from among a field of competing governmental entities and private or public defense organizations.
It may seem evident upon first examination that localistic authority necessarily implies the employment of geographic boundaries, but I believe that the conceptions of jurisdictional aterritoriality which were formulated by Bauer and Bastiat stay faithful to the localistic principle on the basis that they intend to keep decision-making authority as close to the individual person – and / or the voluntary association of persons – as possible.

Given that the primary division between societal classes which has largely been a binary cleaving of leftist ideologies from rightist ones in recent years has only served to conflate the many different politicoeconomic systems with one another, it seems appropriate that a new primary division between societal classes should be made, and that that division should serve to make rural, localistic, and aterritorial paradigms distinct from bourgeois, centralizationist, and geographical paradigms.
Rightist economic systems which rely on the localistic principles include Free-Market (or Laissez-Faire) Capitalism, Entrepreneurial Venture-Capitalism, Classical Liberalism, Libertarianism, Market-Anarchism, Agorism, Panarchistic (or Pantarchistic) Jurisdictional Aterritorialism, and Catallaxy – commonly referred to as “spontaneous order” or “the invisible hand of the market”.
Rightist economic systems which rely on the centralizationist principles include Fascism, Corporatocracy (or Corporatism or Corporativism), Corporate Nationalism, and Corporate-and-Business-Protectionistic Mercantilism.
Leftist economic systems which rely on the localistic principles include Participatory Social-Democratic Communalism, Guild-Unionist Social-Welfarism, National Personal Autonomistic Jurisdictional Aterritorialism, and, to some degree, Anarcho-Syndicalism and the various bourgeois anarchistic labor movements.
Leftist economic systems which rely on the centralizationist principles include Soviet Communism, State Socialism, National Syndicalism, and bourgeois anarchistic labor movements which have tendencies to defend and / or justify centralized, bureaucratic, and federalist governmental entities.

In today’s contentious political atmosphere, it is easy to get swept up in arguments about spending, and to focus on a class war based on economic ideology, especially when the narrative is primarily dominated by the most wealthy and influential members of each general economic division, whom are often using false and oversimplified class-war issues to distract the citizens from real wars – i.e., the kind with the fighting and the killing and the bombs and the missiles – which members of both ideologies almost always have roles in waging.
That is why I desire to help forge an alliance between progressives and libertarians; I believe that it is only through the cooperation of all those who desire true voluntarism, individual liberty, fidelity to the law, equal opportunity, responsible and fiscally-solvent welfare programs, localistic governance, and the diffusion of authority that those oligarchs, bureaucrats, and lobbyists who wish to further concentrate power in the hands of the few and subvert the law and the will of the people may be held at bay.
Tea Party members need to understand that most liberals and progressives do not hate freedom; they very often truly desire individual liberty. Rather than to demonize them and call them Communists or Socialists, the Tea Party should instead encourage liberals to revert to their first principles; to bring about the social justice they want to see through means of direct action such as person-to-person charity that side-steps needless and wasteful government bureaucracy.
Liberals and progressives need to understand that most Tea Party members do not hate social justice; they very often truly desire social progress and responsible, fiscally-solvent social welfare systems. Rather than to demonize them and call them Fascists or Nazis, the liberals and progressives should instead encourage the Tea Party to revert to its first principles; to be tolerant of alternative lifestyles and individual free choice, and to give charitably as much as they are able to do so.
As evidenced by both the local bourgeois social welfare programs and the rural entrepreneurial venture capitalism which existed under the Feudalist / Mercantilist / Guild-Unionist system, the primary sociopolitical, politicoeconomic, and socioeconomic principle is charity, i.e., voluntary sharing.
Rabbi Eleazar taught that the only form of charity which is holier than anonymous donation to anonymous recipients is to take a man off the street, care for his most urgent and immediate needs, and assist him to earn a living so that he may learn to help himself. If there is room for charitable actions that suggest a tendency towards both socialism and capitalism in religion, then certainly they can co-exist in society in general.
As Congressman Ron Paul noted after the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, the government promise to assist relief efforts in that country did little besides deepen our debt, increase the burden on the taxpayers, and cause significant amounts of public money to get lost in the bureaucracies of international charity organizations. Maybe if we actually do something to address our national debt, we could relax the tax burdens on those who bear their brunt, and they could afford to provide more direct assistance than government charity, and they would perhaps not feel that their accomplishment is unappreciated and that they have been taken for granted.
The oligarchical, centralizationist State and the State-maintained monopolistic corporation act as leeches on any and all available appendages of human society which dare to stick up off of its main body. As leeches help regulate the flow of a patient’s blood, so too do governments regulate our living. As leeches tax and make demands on our bodies, so too do governments tax our production.
Governments and monopolies can create nothing original, neither lives nor material goods; they can only consume as parasites do. They thrive off human blood, sweat, and tears. Regulation and taxing can help the patient up to a point, but eventually the patient will find himself sucked dry.
To repeat the Samuel E. Konkin III quote which I read earlier, “…if the entrepreneuriat are tossed into the Capitalist class, then the Marxist must face the contradiction of ‘Capitalists’ at war with the Capitalist-controlled State.”
Civic and commercial human society needs two basic things to function: human resources and human creativity. The biologically fertile proletariat is that which brings about the renewal of human life and human resources, and the industrially fertile entrepreneuriat is that which brings about the renewal of human originality and human creativity.
The only way out of endless war and propagandist manipulation is for the proletariat and the entrepreneuriat to set aside their petty economic differences and begin to see themselves as one, for they, when united, are the only true source of creative power in this earthly material realm.



For more entries on theory of government, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/the-general-welfare-clause.html

For more entries on unions and collective bargaining, please visit:


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