Showing posts with label trade. Show all posts
Showing posts with label trade. Show all posts

Friday, May 7, 2021

Achieving Low Prices on Automobiles and Pharmaceuticals Through Zero Tariffs and Limited Patents

      In the wake of the Covid-19 crisis, and the production of several vaccines against coronavirus, the Canadian government is now signaling that it will consider waiving intellectual property protections on those vaccines.

     This news comes two-and-a-half years after Canada placed a 270% tariff against the importation of foreign milk into Canada. Canada, like the nations of Europe, had recently become caught up in a trade war, which arguably began when then-president Donald Trump increased tariffs on foreign steel.
     Those steel tariffs caused America's farmers to demand a bailout, due to: 1) the fact that the tariffs on foreign steel arguably functioned as a protection for American steel in the process; 2) the increased cost, to farmers, of farm equipment which is made out of cheap foreign-made steel, after tariffs; 3) agricultural exports from the U.S. to China declined significantly after the tariffs were applied; and 4) the fact that the farm industry hadn't yet been bailed out, and seemed to need a bailout, in proportion to the protection afforded to U.S. steel workers.
     http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2019/03/tariffs-drive-farm-income-down-and-equipment-prices/583
     This phenomenon has been commented on, in such great detail, that it was arguably predicted; by the economist Henry Hazlitt, in Chapter 11 of his 1946 book Economics in One Lesson.


     It is too bad that Canada isn't considering waiving I.P. protections on all medications, rather than just the coronavirus vaccine.
     If free-market economic theory is correct, then as long as sovereign governments respect the limitations put on them by the people, and take a more non-interventionist role in the economy, then a move towards zero tariffs, and the reduction of the length of patent terms, will result in a freeing of trade and price competition, which itself will lead to dramatic reductions in the prices of all goods.
     And if Medicare for All or universal health care isn't on the way, then cheaper medical prices is something that Americans - and people all over the world - need badly right now.

     So the free-market theory goes: If the state didn't (or couldn't) rescue or bail-out failing firms - and didn't hand taxpayer money over to politicians' corporate cronies - then failing firms and large monopolies could easily be competed-against; whether out of existence, or just out of their monopoly status.
     Auto plant workers, farmers, and people in the pharmaceutical industry, each have their own distinct ways of evaluating the comparative value of the quantity and quality of steel, cars, farm equipment, food, pharmaceuticals, medical devices, and so on. Their subjective preferences, professions, and relative needs for each of these items at different times, strongly influence the way that these people will interact, and what they will buy, and when.
     Just as farmers will want to either optimize quality and cost of the steel that goes into their farm equipment, or else sacrifice quality for cost or vice-versa, the same question exists in medicine. Obviously, high-quality, low-cost medication is the most desired outcome, but that doesn't seem realistic. So, then, should medications be low-quality yet widely available? Or should they be high-quality yet restricted to the few?
     Instead of assuming that either quality or affordability must be sacrificed, and mandate that one firm should produce a good at a particular price, it is perhaps best to give the consumer the choice in the matter. And that can be done; through allowing multiple producers of similar goods to exist, and distribute different numbers of goods at different prices from other firms, so that individual consumers can choose whether they want a lot of the cheap stuff, or a little of the high-strength stuff, or something in between.
     The economic coordination between the customer and the firm he wants to go out of business, would be done not by a government that can keep that bad business afloat, but would instead be done through the consumer calling the firm to complain, or through refraining to purchase the product. Thanks to taxation and subsidization, and the limitations upon boycotts which are imposed by the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, the freedom to refrain to purchase a product, is limited. Thus, the right to boycott, and the right of each consumer to play his role in regulating the economy, are limited as well.

     Just as people's professions and subjective preferences influence their demands in term of price and quality, those factors will also strongly influence their vote, as well as their demands from government.
     People in the pharmaceutical industry will, naturally, vote and buy as if the labor of doctors and pharmaceutical engineers are - at least on a metaphysical level - somehow intrinsically more valuable than the labor done by the people who grow and harvest our food, and who build and maintain our cars.
     And maybe health is more important than transportation. But on the other hand, you can't be healthy if you don't eat, and you can scarcely enjoy your health if you can't travel anywhere. In fact, not being able to travel much, can have a negative impact on your mental and emotional health, by causing you to feel cooped up and trapped. But then again, some cars pollute. But some cars pollute less.
     The point being: Life is complicated. Economics are complicated. But coordination and economic planning are possible without government. So why unnecessarily involve the government in coordinating international trade, when it can barely facilitate international trade? Government's primary role should be to facilitate non-violent productive behavior, rather than to promote the production or sale of any law-abiding particular person or firm over any other.

     Tariffs, and trade policies - sadly - are often enacted in order to supposedly correct for some "crime" which a foreign country is perpetrating on either American consumers, or its own people, or both.
     China is supposedly "flooding" America with cheap products. But it's not like America is producing many of the same products. So where else are we going to get them from?
     Moreover, America levies tariffs "against" Chinese exporters, supposedly because their client firms are exploiting their workers. And many of them undoubtedly are. But does everybody in China deserve to pay the price for the behavior of exploitative firms? Additionally, those tariffs do not help those Chinese workers, because the costs of the tariffs are not footed by the Chinese exporter, but through wage-theft from the workers. That's what happens when there is nothing in the tariff law to stipulate that the exporter must charge only his most exploitative C.E.O. clients for the cost of the tariffs. There is nothing to ensure that the tariff will have the desired and intended effect.
     Additionally, China's Company Law requires foreign firms that set up shop in China, to share their technology with Chinese firms active in the same industries, as a cost of doing business in China. This cross-cultural sharing of technology, is unfortunately labeled by American capitalists, as "intellectual property theft". That's right: What China considers to be its intellectual property law, is described by America as intellectual property theft.

     This fight - between every firm and government, to produce something, and then profit through resting on their laurels leveraging the value of the product, by hoarding it and sitting on it - must end. The trade war must end, before it accelerates into trade blocs, a cold war, and hot wars.


     Do we really need tariffs in the first place? Before continuing, let's review some basic facts about tariffs.

     To be clear: tariffs are distinct from inspection fees.
     Since the government port authority is inspecting goods, the inspectors deserve to be compensated for the costs that went into inspecting those goods. It is only appropriate that the people exchanging the goods, pay for inspections (to make sure there are no slaves or stowaways on board, and to make sure there are no illicit materials) when goods cross international boundaries. Thus, customs inspection fees are not a tax, but more accurately, a use-based fee, built on a fee-for-service model.
     But customs inspection fees can be justified, without justifying tariffs along with them.

     Tariffs are unnecessary, competition-reducing, price-increasing taxes, which - like sales taxes, and for a lot of the same reasons - should not exist. If more efficient taxes could replace tariffs - and they could - then we can agree that tariffs add to the final price of the product unnecessarily. Increasing the final price, in turn, makes it more likely that those who foot the cost of the tariff, will purchase less of the product as a result.
     Additionally, tariffs - like sales taxes - can be passed-on to market actors whom were not intended to bear the burden of the taxes. This is what is meant when politicians like Donald Trump assure us that "China will pay for the tariffs" and "we (Americans) don't pay for those tariffs, they'll get passed on to China." That is only true until tariffs beget retaliatory tariffs.
     Moreover, tariffs inhibit international trade, or at least make it more expensive and complicated. Lastly, import tariffs are paid by domestic American importers.
     http://www.reason.com/2021/05/24/china-is-paying-about-7-percent-of-tariff-costs-americans-are-paying-the-rest/


     While increasing tariffs may achieve one of its desired results (namely, punishing domestic civilians and foreign producers for trading with each other), it has multiple negative effects as well. The cost of making trade more expensive, is arguably not worth the cost involved in choosing winners and losers in the market (in this case, American producers winning over foreign producers, as the result of import tariffs).
     That's why a move towards zero tariffs, for both importing and exporting, is the way to go. And the more countries that do this, the more money can be saved by the people of all countries that trade with us.



     If the cost of importing and exporting would be reduced to the price of inspection fees, then nobody's fingers would have to be worked to the bone, to generate large amounts of value that allow exporters and importers to pay their tariffs.
     If neither the U.S., nor any of its trade partners, levied any duties on the importation and exportation of goods, then there would be no need to create trade policies which take tariffs into account.
     Think about it. Modern U.S. trade policies regarding the production of automobiles, for example, mandate that at least a certain percentage of a car must be made in one country, while a different percentage of a car must be made in another country.
     Domestic producers fear zero tariffs because they would cause the price of foreign-made goods to drop. But zero tariffs would also cause price decreases of products (namely, cars) which are assembled in multiple countries, and made of parts that come from multiple countries.
     Thus, decreasing tariffs will make it easier (and cheaper, via both government and private avenues) to trade any and all pieces of equipment which are so complex that they cannot be built within a single country. This category consists of a lot more goods than we might suspect, and to things that seem much simpler than machines. This fact is illustrated by economist Leonard Read, in his essay "I, Pencil".
     


     Hopefully, by this point, it should be clear to the reader that tariffs are useless (in terms of facilitating non-violent trade and production), and why.
     In my opinion, sales taxes, and government-conducted trade policies, are equally useless. So are intellectual property protections, when they are too strong and too long.
     That is why, in 2020, I ran for the U.S. House of Representatives, on a platform of medical price relief, which I called "E.M.P.A.T.H.I.C.". "E.M.P.A.T.H.I.C." stands for "Eliminating Medical Patents to Achieve Human Immortality Cheaply".
     So the idea goes: If reducing the duration of medical patents, will allow cheap generics to enter the market sooner - resulting in cheaper medical prices - then eliminating medical patents altogether might cause prices to drop even more quickly than shortening them.
     Naturally, some on the economic right are concerned that eliminating medical patents, or reducing patent terms too drastically, will result in less investment in expensive pharmaceutical research. And maybe that is true. And new vaccines always need to come out, when viruses mutate again and again.
     But vaccines aren't the only type of medication; there are also pharmaceuticals. And disease prevention isn't the only type of medical relief; administering cures and relieving symptoms exist too. More than sixty-five medications existed in early 2020, which could be used to treat the symptoms of Covid-19. Instead of shortening their patents, or distributing them to the people, our lawmakers were more focused on profiting off of medical stock, and on promoting the development of new medications which could be used to combat Covid-19.
     The same exact thing happened during the H.I.V./A.I.D.S. crisis in the early 1980s; promotion of new medications whose development meant profit for pharmaceutical developers, over previously existing medications whose sale wouldn't "stimulate the economy" as much. Coincidentally, this was largely due to the action (or inaction) of Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (N.I.A.I.D.).


     It seems that Canada - a country known for its cheap medications and their easy accessibility to any foreign tourist - has finally grown tired of the trade war.
     For intellectual property protections to be waived on coronavirus vaccines, will cause large companies to lose profits. But those companies do not deserve those profits; they have not earned those profits yet. Government trade policies that rig international trade, and the legitimate violence that governments threaten in order to extort unjustifiable taxes (such as tariffs), are the only reasons why large pharmaceutical companies "stand to" reap so much profit in the future.
     Such companies have grown so entitled to this potential future money, that some of them have begun suing governments for loss of profit, for having the audacity to pass laws punishing fraudulent, exploitative, and irresponsible behavior.


     This insanity must end.
     China - and India, which was recently hit with high Covid death tolls - each have more than a billion people. To paraphrase Mao Tse Tung, considerations must be made for the fact that hundreds of millions more people live in China (and India) than in any other country on Earth.
     We cannot pretend that the difficulties obtaining medications, which are faced today by people in foreign countries, will not affect us in the United States tomorrow. Our health is tied to the health of every other people who participates in global trade. This fact does not mean that we have to submit to unreasonable government restrictions regarding health and trade, though. It just means that we should stop protecting property rights so strongly.


     America cannot go on for much longer, pretending that the reason why it is enforcing intellectual property protections for longer and longer every decade, is due to its desire to be "exceptional"; distinct from the other, more "socialist" nations.
     "Socialism" doesn't mean "government doing stuff", but even if this simple definition of socialism were true, then protecting I.P. rights so strongly, is actually more "socialistic" than doing nothing.
     If capitalists insist on defining "socialism" and "redistribution" in such generalized ways, then why wouldn't it qualify as "redistribution" to extort money from taxpayers to pay for the apprehension and prosecution of I.P. violators (a/k/a pirates)?


     Why should the cross-cultural exchange of information, regarding Covid-19 and coronavirus vaccines, continue to be limited by law, when those limitations increase the prices of those goods, and when there are so many people on the planet who need an affordable vaccine?
     The solution is not to rush the vaccine. The solution is to decrease intellectual property protections, and trade barriers, which keep vaccines and medications expensive, until investment in pharmaceutical and vaccine R&D (research and development) begin to noticeably decline, and result in a level of medical production and innovation which is widely considered unacceptable.
     Until that problem appears, decrease the length of medical patents - and decrease tariffs unilaterally - and hope that other countries will follow suit. We must stop pointing to other countries, and saying "they have higher tariffs than we do, so they should lower them first", nor "they don't respect our patent laws, so we shouldn't have to respect theirs".
     Dying sick people and steel producers alike, cannot afford to play the "whataboutism" game anymore. They need affordable medicine, food, and transportation. There is no need to heap political barriers, to accessing and owning those resources, on top of the economic and social barriers to owning them, which already exist.


     The tools it takes to help people afford the needs of life, are political, but only to the extent that the politicization of the problem is the problem. Without all of the political tools like I.P. and tariffs and trade deals, the problem would be easily recognized as more economic than it is political. But only when economic exploitation ceases, will it become obvious to all, that the lack of access to human needs, is in fact a social problem; a humanitarian problem.
     It is one thing to say that a certain good shouldn't be owned. But it is another thing entirely, to say that a whole civilization should not have access to the technology necessary to produce, for themselves, what others refuse to produce for their benefit. Depriving people of technology, makes them into slaves to the technocratic productive class; just as depriving them of education makes them slaves of those who withhold information from them.


     It's time to liberate information and technology.
     Internet entrepreneur Kim Dotcom said "information wants to be free". This is true of damaging information about governments, and it is true about pieces of art which nobody would see without either money or the mass distribution allowed through filesharing. It is also true of information technologies, like assembly instructions, and the shapes of parts.
     Three-dimensional printing has not only liberated production; the production of printed guns has even empowered those wishing to defend themselves from corrupt government with the help of the Second Amendment and the Supreme Court case of D.C. v. Heller (which finds that the amendment protects the individual right to bear arms).
     Just as plans for guns can be sent over the internet, so can plans for cars. The more parts that people can produce in their own homes, the less they will have to rely on large companies to overcharge them for replacement parts.
     Considering that the current "fourth industrial revolution" is giving us technologies that fuse biological and digital technology (i.e., "Bio-Tech"), it is hard to wonder how long it will be before a poor sick person, in China or America, will be able to "download" a medication over the internet. Or at least a surgery program that they can upload to their robotic surgeon.
     The 2010s and 2020s are bringing humanity amazing medical innovations. A baby lamb was grown in a plastic bag, used as an artificial womb. A spinach leaf was grafted onto a piece of human heart tissue, and the blood made to run through the stalks of the spinach. Cloning technology and stem cell technology is developing all the time. Moreover, adult stem cell research is developing, which means that more medical advances can be made without controversially harvesting embryos.


     Why should any of this mind-blowing, life-expectancy-increasing technology, be any more expensive than it needs to be?
     Lowering sales taxes and tariffs - and the length of intellectual property protections - for any and all kinds of goods - can only result in longer, more comfortable, affordable lives for people, with less pressure to work long hours.

     Ironically, it is not the desire to remain faithful to the Constitution, which has caused this problem. Refraining from obeying the Constitution's limitations upon government, caused this problem.
     Obeying the Constitution's call - to secure rights to authors and inventors "for limited times" [emphasis mine] - would have prevented the current state of high prices and few competing producers. Allowing patents to get longer and longer all the time, with no limit in sight, is helping nobody but the government, profiteers who have long since stopped producing, and the grateful dead whose numbers are growing all the time.
     Zero tariffs and limited I.P. would thus hurt nobody, except for the "producers" that corrupt our government, take advantage of us by stealing our money, and then stop producing.



Written on May 6th and 7th, 2021

Published on May 7th, 2021

Edited and Expanded on May 8th and 12th, 2021

Link Added on May 25th, 2021

Monday, August 31, 2020

Forty Legislative Reforms Which I Think Most Minor Parties and Independents Would Support

     1. End the wars and bring the troops home: Dismantle at least 800 overseas U.S. military bases, and drastically reduce the number of countries in which at least one U.S. troop is deployed (which is currently about 160).

     2. Repeal the U.S.A. P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act, repeal any and all A.U.M.F.s (Authorizations for the Use of Military Force) against Afghanistan and Iraq, and end the national state of emergency over the Korean conflict.

     3. Repeal or amend the War Powers Act, strictly requiring congressional declaration of war before troops can be deployed to a new country.

     4. End torturous “enhanced interrogation” and extraordinary rendition (illegal torture abroad).

     5. End warrantless wiretaps, and stop spying on American civilians and our allies abroad.

     6. End entangling alliances, end all foreign aid, and exit N.A.T.O. (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization).

     7. Prohibit the use of drone warfare, and the deployment of drones in foreign countries, without a congressional declaration of war (and, if possible, the host nation's permission).


     8. Abolish active registration for the Selective Service (i.e., military draft).
9. Repeal the “Clinton omnibus crime bill” (a/k/a the Violent Crime and Law Enforcement Act of 1994) in its entirety.


     10. Ensure equal protection under the law: Stop denying due process and fair trials to terror suspects and suspected undocumented immigrants. If they're not made subject to our protections, then they shouldn't be held subject to our laws.

     11. Amend the 13th Amendment to prohibit involuntary servitude in all cases of punishment for committing victimless crimes.

     12. End police brutality by taking away police officers' rights to kill during unlawful arrest and “have sex with people in their custody” (i.e., raping people).

     13. Protect children by amending child trafficking laws, and making age of consent laws more uniform.

     14. Respect the principle that the just powers of government derive from the consent of the governed, by making participation in all government programs voluntary, and by repealing taxes on all harmless productive economic activities.

     15. Require that constitutional justification for all new bills and departments, must be included within the bill.

     16. Require sunset clauses for all new legislation, strictly adhering to the Constitution's two-year limitation for all military-related expenditures.

     17. Achieve free, fair, and open elections, by improving ballot access for minor parties and independents.

     18. Annually audit, and eventually end, the Federal Reserve System, sending its powers back to Congress. Additionally, ban Fractional Reserve Banking and prosecute it under anti-usury laws.

     19. Balance budgets, achieve fiscal solvency, and produce surplus budgets A.S.A.P. to pay down the debt.

     20. Let states experiment with Universal Basic Income, the Negative Income Tax, and state public banks.

     21. Let states and communities experiment with Land Value Taxation and Community Land Trusts.

     22. De-politicize issues related to science, medicine, the environment, technology, budgets, finance, banking, the judiciary, election fairness, governmental ethics, redistricting, the arts, etc..

     23. Protect the planet and the people over profits by creating a blueprint for ecologically sustainable production.

     24. Shorten medical patents, to allow generics to come onto the market sooner, to reduce medical prices.

     25. Reduce medical prices by eliminating unnecessary taxes on health goods and services.

     26. Legalize alternative medicine and make vaccines optional.

     27. Reduce medical costs by allowing non-profit medical organizations to operate tax-free.

     28. Let non-profits operate tax-free, because they cannot be taxed without being forced to operate at a loss.

     29. Clarify Roe v. Wade: Craft a nationwide amendment on abortion which clarifies the meaning of a “reasonable state restriction to abortion access”.

     30. De-politicize the issue of abortion by ending all involuntary taxpayer funding of abortion services.

     31. Legalize growing cannabis at home; in order to 1) lower marijuana prices, 2) eliminate all excuses for federal intervention in marijuana on interstate commerce grounds, and 3) eliminate the need for state licensing and permits for growing.

     32. Take cannabis / marijuana off of Schedule I, as it is not a drug that lacks legitimate medical uses.

     33. Fight for a free, fair, and open economy by eliminating all unfair subsidies to business, and by prohibiting government from contracting with monopolies.

     34. Increase the use of the federal government's antitrust power to break up monopolies.

     35. Amend the 1935 Wagner Act (N.L.R.A.) to make it easier to form a second union in a workplace or collective bargaining unit.

     36. Restore the full right to boycott, and engage in secondary labor actions, by repealing the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act.

     37. End the trade war, and re-negotiate N.A.F.T.A. so that importers and exporters are not unfairly targeted for taxation.

     38. Fix our nation's crumbling infrastructure (roads, bridges, tunnels, etc.), as long as areas other than the Bos-Wash corridor on the East Coast receive a fair share of transportation spending.

     39. Make the Postmaster General a cabinet-level position again, and allow the U.S. Postal Service to receive taxpayer funds.

     40. Help the poor, homeless, and refugees, by legalizing mutual aid. Remove barriers to providing humanitarian aid; by legalizing squatting and camping, lowering residency duration requirements in order to claim homesteading rights, etc.. Additionally, prohibit housing subsidies whenever and wherever the number of empty residences exceeds the number of people in need of permanent shelter.





     The set of proposals listed above were developed in connection with the policies I called for in my earlier outline of a platform for a yet-to-be-founded hypothetical Humanitarian Party. That platform can be viewed at the following link: http://aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2019/07/towards-free-united-populism-proposal.html








Written on August 30th and September 1st, 2020

Published on September 1st, 2020

Message to Progressives and Environmentalists in Lake County, Illinois Regarding My Campaign


     What follows are excerpts from posts which I made to the Facebook Groups “Lake County IL Environmentalists”, “Clean Air Lake County Community Support”, “Northern Illinois Progressive Candidates, Electeds, and Activists”, and “Illinois Against the TPP” on August 29th, 2020.


     Hi everyone. I'm running as a write-in candidate for U.S. Representative from Illinois's 10th district (the northeast corner of the state).
     I support peace, a fair and free economy, taxing destruction and waste instead of harmless productive activity, and balancing budgets through reducing unnecessary military expenditures not necessary to our defense.
     I also support promoting local solutions to environmental problems, to guard against the risk that the E.P.A. could continue to be put up for sale to corporate and pro-pollution interests.
     Furthermore, fixing our economy will make it easier to decrease our national debt. I also support amending the 13th Amendment to get rid of as many forms of involuntary servitude (i.e., slavery) as possible, both within the criminal justice system and outside of it.

     I want to reform taxes so that they focus on environmental issues. I will promote Land Value Taxation, one of the two revenue sourcing systems which Howie Hawkins has proposed for funding the Green New Deal. The other revenue sourcing system, the Negative Income Tax, is also a step in the right direction as far as improving income taxes goes, but I'd eventually like to eliminate all taxes on earned income (unearned income is a different issue though).
     With Land Value Taxation, local governments would be urged to increase natural resource extraction fees, and increase taxes on land degradation and blight (as well as vacant land, abandoned properties, land hoarding), while reducing taxes on income, sales, consumption, and building value).
     Additionally, I support Community Land Trusts (C.L.T.s) as well as community air trusts and community water trusts. C.L.T.s should be created, in each county in America, as voluntary associations which are non-profit and untaxed. They would be untaxed because they would be the entities doing the taxing of land; charging land occupancy fees and land degradation fees. C.L.T.s would help align each community's economic future with its future need for ecological sustainability. 
     I believe in dual federalism, triple federalism, and subsidiarism: the most local authority possible, should handle environmental issues, as long as that authority is competent enough to handle the issue. Not all environmental problems are nationwide issues; some of them are local. Furthermore, no county would willingly allow itself to be polluted. That is why we must ensure that the federal government never has the right to determine which areas may be polluted, or have nuclear materials stored, without that community's consent, and without proper compensation for the adverse health effects. Federal environmental standards can help, but having environmental standards is not SO important, that such standards should OVERRIDE local and state environmental regulations, if those regulations can be better than the nationwide standard. That is why localities must be free to set higher environmental standards than the national standard.
     For each community to have a C.L.T. (a non-profit, untaxed voluntary association which help guard against the risk of the E.P.A. continuing to be bought and sold by pro-pollution interests. I would align myself with environmental conservationists, and also the decentralists within the Green Party, but I would also promote C.L.T.s as a quasi-"private", somewhat property-rights-oriented solution to environmental problems (because they would be non-profit and untaxed, and therefore unaffiliated with the state and federal governments).

     I also support bioregionalism, the idea behind the Cascadia independence project. I believe that bioregionalism will help prevent unnecessary federal intrusion into local environmental problems, and restore local rights without allowing states to use states' rights as a justification to dismantle environmental protections.
     If I am elected to Congress, I will spread awareness of Land Value Taxation, Community Land Trusts, and bioregionalism on a national level. This will help the current generation of environmental law students, and other voters, get a free education about these little-known ideas, and start a conversation about what needs to become an important topic in American political discourse: ENVIRONMENTAL TAXATION.
     These ideas are important because they could reduce unemployment, reduce waste of land, decrease economic inequality, and reduce environmental degradation, all at the same time.

     I want to help create a free and fair economy by building a Mutualist Party, while offering new and unique alternatives to traditional neo-liberal policies like those of my opponent Brad Schneider, like re-orienting taxation to focus on environmental issues (such as the need to tax blight and land degradation).
     On trade issues, I support "alter-globalization", in which we would have 1) localized social safety nets, alongside 2) open and fair trade, not unregulated free trade, and 3) free movement of people. We would also have 4) cultural and economic globalization, but not global government; and 5 & 6) the consumer would have the right to fully boycott (and unionize) and refuse to purchase all products (repeal Taft-Hartley).
      Please consider writing-me in against Democrat Brad Schneider and Republican Valerie Ramirez-Mukherjee. Read sections 13 and 14 of my platform to learn more about my views on the environment and Land Value Taxation (which is also part of my plan to balance budgets, lower prices on goods, and increase the purchasing power of the dollar).




     See this link to learn more: http://www.facebook.com/groups/586988188625917/






Written as separate posts on August 29th, 2020

Edited together and published on August 31st, 2020

Wednesday, October 9, 2019

Resource Map for the March 2010 Rainbow Gathering Near Apalachicola, Florida

     The map below is based on data I and a friend collected at the March 2010 Rainbow Gathering near Apalachicola, Florida.
     Rainbow Gatherings are events in which "hippies" and people of alternative lifestyles come together to camp in state and national parks, set up mobile "kitchens", trade arts and crafts and other things, and enjoy festivities and one another's company.
     I collected this information to assist another camper in a student project of his. His aim was to collect information about the camping, kitchen, and trading locations on the campsite.
     You can learn more about Rainbow Gatherings and the Rainbow Family of Living Light by visiting www.welcomehome.org and www.welcomehere.org.


     Note: "Yippie! Joe's Reaganville" refers to the tent which was set up by the author. The term "Reaganville" is a neologism combining "Reagan" with "Hooverville" (a kind of makeshift home which became popular during the Great Depression).





Map created in February 2010
Published on October 9th, 2019

Friday, September 20, 2019

A Constructive Critique of the Libertarian Party's Platform and Messaging


     The following questions were written as part of the Libertarian Party of Illinois's vetting process for nominees. The answers were written on September 20th, 2019, as part of my application for the Libertarian Party's nomination for U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 10th Congressional District, for the election to be held on Tuesday, November 3rd, 2020.






     Q: Which plank(s) of the Libertarian Party Platform do you agree with, and why?


     A: I agree with the party's strong desire to protect civil liberties, and to achieve decentralized/localized government. I appreciate the party's understanding of the need to balance privilege with responsibility, while distinguishing privilege from freedom. I agree that economic freedom and social freedom go hand in hand, and that the government should stay out of both our bedrooms and our finances, and refrain from discriminating against us on the basis of our membership in any group. I agree that the Non-Aggression Principle should guide our economic morality to accept exchanges which are both voluntary and mutually beneficial. I agree that a person has a right to what he produces, and that most forms of taxation take away the incentive to produce by confiscating the product. I agree that both spending and taxation by government, and social and corporate welfare, are out of control, and need to be reigned in, and so do the size and scope of government in general, the size of the federal workforce, and the pay and benefits of elected and appointed officials. I agree with the right of self-determination and the right to alter or abolish our government if it becomes destructive of our liberties.




     Q: Which plank(s) of the Libertarian Party Platform do you not agree with, and why?

     A: I agree with the vast majority of the planks of the L.P. platform; the only areas of disagreement I might have at the nuts-and-bolts policy level, would be cases in which some proposed reform: 1) is extremely popular, or else optional; 2) is properly constitutionally authorized through the amendment process; 3) can be done as locally as possible; and 4) has a sunset clause. A proposed law which has all of these characteristics, would likely satisfy me, as long as it is a wise and necessary law. I would be willing to propose and pass new laws, but only while repealing several outdated laws for each new one enacted. I believe that most "taxation is theft", but I also believe that the least harmful taxes are those which are minimally detrimental to productivity.

     The issues I have with the Libertarian Party relate more to some of its messaging and rhetoric, than to its policy conclusions (which are nearly unobjectionable; their only flaw is that a variety of potential solutions is not articulated in each section). I consider myself an "open-borders", "free trade" libertarian, who supports "markets, not capitalism", and questions whether it is necessary for government to play a role in the recognition and protection of property claims and property titles. This puts me somewhat at odds with the libertarians who are more likely to describe themselves as capitalists than free-marketers, and as strong supporters of property rights and self-ownership.

     While I am a strong supporter of individual rights (such as bodily autonomy, the right to keep what you create, and the freedom from being forced to work), I do not see the rhetoric of "self-ownership" as a helpful or necessary way of thinking about our right of self-control, because I think it encourages us to see our bodies as mere pieces of property. I agree with the second sentence in Section 1.1 of the L.P. platform, but I don't think "individuals own their bodies" is either a meaningful statement, a clear statement, or helpful messaging to get people to understand our ideas, because some say self-ownership means the right to sell ourselves and destroy ourselves (which I would question, on the grounds that we didn't create ourselves). Some of the logic behind self-ownership theory is valid, but we must avoid misinterpreting it so as to suggest that our rights are based on how much property we own. But as long as Libertarians continue to value "life, liberty, and property" equally - and don't prioritize the need to protect physical property over the need to protect innocent human lives - then I will be with the L.P. one hundred percent.

     I should also note that, as a "markets, not capitalism" libertarian. I would caution the Libertarian Party to avoid designating "capitalism" as its preferred economic system, because I believe that "free markets" is not only a more popular term, but a distinct school of thought altogether. I agree with those who believe that America has never had totally free markets, not with those who believe we have free markets right now. I take the side of the "market anarchists" (but not the "anarcho-capitalists") in the debate between "minimal government" and anarchism, because I believe that government is unnecessary whenever voluntary association, direct action, mutual aid, and mutually beneficial exchange, are practiced freely.

     I support free markets, free trade (with no treaties being necessary), an open market system, free competition and free cooperation, and equal liberty through equality of opportunity. But I do not believe that being exploited, overworked, undervalued, or poisoned without one's knowledge, are among our rights or our freedoms. That's why I would be willing to support restrictions limiting the number of hours which can be worked consecutively, such as in the trucking trade (but I suspect that most LP members would have no issue with this, as long as such restrictions are properly authorized by the law, enforced by the most local level of government possible, and properly funded). While some foreign nations are plagued with labor abuses, I would not support increased tariffs, nor any other form of "economic punishment"; because that does not solve the problem. The solution is to unabashedly lower our own tariffs to zero, while achieving better labor standards domestically, setting a good example for other countries. Trade wars - and high tariffs and sales taxes - only lead to increased politicization of trade, and eventually to trade blocs, sanctions, embargoes, cold wars, and hot wars. The solution to unfree trade is more free trade.

     Some Libertarians may disagree with me on some of those points, but I am willing to engage them and entertain their ideas, while explaining why I think it would be better for the L.P.'s and the libertarian movement's principles and messaging strategy in the long term, if it maximizes its potential to appeal to everyone who has traditionally called themselves libertarians, including not only the classical liberals, but also the anarchists of 19th century Europe, with whom the term "libertarian" originated. I say this not as criticism, but as a way to suggest making the Libertarian Party into the biggest tent for libertarians possible.





Written on September 20th, 2019
Originally Published on September 20th, 2019
Edited on October 9th, 2019


Saturday, July 27, 2019

When the Law Does the Opposite of What it Intends to Do: One Hundred Twelve Theses on Government Failure (Incomplete)

When the Law Does the Opposite of What it Intends to Do:
One Hundred Twelve Theses on Government Failure



First Table of Contents

Part 1: Introduction (Including Eighteen Bad Basic Laws of Government)

I.
First Introduction: Government Failure
II. Second Introduction: Five Reasons Why We Shouldn't Trust the Government
III. Three Clauses That Enable Legislative Action, But Are Used to Excuse Government Overreach
IV. Six Laws with Deceptive Names
V. Eight Self-Defeating Amendments (Plus the Draft)


Part 2: The Wars on Terror, Drugs, and Poverty (Including Seventy Bad Laws)

VI. The War on Terror: Fourteen Laws That Fail to Protect People from War, Terrorism, and Violent Crime
VII. The Wars on Drugs and Our Health: Twenty-One Laws That Failed to Achieve Affordable Health Care, Failed to Ensure the Legal Sale of Safe Drugs, or Failed to Protect the Environment
VIII. The War on Poverty, Part 1: Eleven Laws That Fail to Protect Workers' Rights and the Interests of Labor Unions
IX. The War on Poverty, Part 2: Seven Laws That Intended to Protect Minorities and/or Property, But Failed
X. The War on Poverty, Part 3: Six Budgetary and Monetary Policies That Have Led to Economic Ruin
XI. The War on Poverty, Part 4: Ten Laws That Intended to Make the Markets Free, But Rigged Them Instead


Part 3: Other Topics (Including Twenty-Five Bad Laws, and a Conclusion)

XII. Five Failed Laws and Policies Related to Insurance
XIII. Four Laws That Tried to Prevent Frivolous Lawsuits, But Go Too Far
XIV. Five Laws That Tried to Protect the Rights or Safety of Women and Homosexuals, But Failed
XV. Eight Laws and Programs That Fail to Protect Children
XVI. Three More Terrible Laws
XVII. Conclusion: New Laws Don't Work





Second Table of Contents





Part 1: Introduction (Including Eighteen Bad Basic Laws of Government)



I. 
First Introduction: Government Failure

II. Second Introduction: Five Reasons Why We Shouldn't Trust the Government

III. Three Clauses That Enable Legislative Action, But Are Used to Excuse Government Overreach
     1. The General Welfare Clause
     2. The Necessary and Proper Clause
     3. The interstate Commerce Clause

IV. Six Laws with Deceptive Names
     4. The Citizens United decision
     5. N.A.F.T.A. (The North American Free Trade Agreement)
     6. The 2008 Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (E.E.S.A)
     7. The Protect Life Act
     8. The Restoring Internet Freedom Act
     9. The Defense of Marriage Act (D.O.M.A.)

V. Eight Self-Defeating Amendments (Plus the Draft)
     10. Amendment I
     11. Amendment II
     12. The military draft
     13. Amendment III
     14. Amendment V
     15. Amendment VIII
     16. Amendment X
     17. Amendment XIII
     18. Amendment XIV



Part 2: The Wars on Terror, Drugs, and Poverty (Including Seventy Bad Laws)


VI. The War on Terror: Fourteen Laws That Fail to Protect People from War, Terrorism, and Violent Crime
     19. Incarceration in jails and prisons
     20. The death penalty
     21. Life sentences

     22. Gun-free zones
     23. Laws requiring publication of gun owners' home addresses
     24. Gun personalization requirements

     25. Gun buyback programs
     26. The War Powers Act of 1973
     27. The state's monopoly on violence
     28. The War on Terror
     29. The 2001 A.U.M.F.
     30. The U.S.A. P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act
     31. Laws allowing warrantless searches and wiretaps
     32. The Whistleblowers Protection Act



VII. The Wars on Drugs and Our Health: Twenty Laws That Failed to Achieve Affordable Health Care, Failed to Ensure the Legal Sale of Safe Drugs, or Failed to Protect the Environment
     33. The taxation of health goods and services
     34. Federal negotiation of drug prices
     35. Subsidization of pharmaceutical companies
     36. The ban on denying emergency room treatment
     37. The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act

     38. Ecstasy prohibition
     39. Heroin prohibition

     40. Marijuana prohibition
     41. Marijuana legalization
     42. Alcohol prohibition
     43. Corn subsidies
     44. The criminalization of purchasing alcohol for minors
     45. The criminalization of purchasing tobacco for minors
     46. Laws authorizing the Food and Drug Administration (F.D.A.) to approve or deny pharmaceutical drugs
     47. Laws authorizing the Environmental Protection Agency (E.P.A.)
     48. Federal vehicle emissions standards
     48. The Clean Air Act
     50. The Clean Water Act
     51. Bans on tree-line thinning
     52. The "Roadless Rule"
     53. Superfund sites

VIII. The War on Poverty, Part 1: Eleven Laws That Fail to Protect Workers' Rights and the Interests of Labor Unions
     54. The law that established Labor Day
     55. The Department of Labor and Commerce
     56. The McCarran-Ferguson Act
     57. The Wagner Act (National Labor Relations Act of 1935)
     58. The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947
     59. State Right-to-Work laws
     60. Overtime pay laws
     61. The Federal Reserve's "dual mandate" on interest rates and unemployment
     62. Laws that established the U1, U2, U3, U4, and U5 unemployment measurements
     63. The Employee Free Choice Act, and the Card Check bill

     64. Disability and Medicaid provisions which limit people's ability to be employed and receive benefits at the same time

IX. The War on Poverty, Part 2: Seven Laws That Intended to Protect Minorities and/or Property, But Failed
     65. The federal minimum wage law
     66. The Civil Rights Act of 1964
     67. Redistricting laws
     68. Laws against sagging pants
     69. The Clinton omnibus crime bill
     70. Laws establishing racial quotas for police
     71. The Homestead Act


X. The War on Poverty, Part 3: Six Budgetary and Monetary Policies That Have Led to Economic Ruin
     72. The Agricultural Adjustment Act
     73. Laws establishing natural resource extraction permits
     74. Property tax laws
     75. Sales tax laws
     76. Income tax laws
     77. Laws providing for Unconditional Basic Income programs


XI. The War on Poverty, Part 4: Ten Laws That Intended to Make the Markets Free, But Rigged Them Instead
     78. The Enumerated Power which authorizes Congress to coin and regulate money
     79. Laws limiting usury
     80. The Sherman Antitrust Act
     81. Laws enabling the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office
     82. Executive Order 6102 (which enabled gold confiscations)
     83. The Emergency Banking Act of 1933
     84. Laws authorizing the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (F.D.I.C.)
     85. Laws enabling the Securities and Exchange Commission (S.E.C.)
     86. The Glass-Steagall Act
     87. Laws authorizing the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (C.F.P.B.)


Part 3: Other Topics (Including Twenty-Five Bad Laws, and a Conclusion)


XII. Five Failed Laws and Policies Related to Insurance
     88. Insurance regulations
     89. Home insurance regulations, and the Department of Housing and Urban Development (H.U.D.)

     90. Laws establishing public firefighting forces
     91. Insurance regulations regarding emergency medical care
     92. Insurance regulations regarding public school students' medications

XIII. Four Laws That Tried to Prevent Frivolous Lawsuits, But Go Too Far

     93. Legal immunity for gun manufacturers
     94. Legal immunity for the military and police
     95. Laws enabling the granting of L.L.C. designation
     96. Statutes of limitations on reporting rape, sexual assault, sexual abuse, and sexual harassment
XIV. Five Laws That Tried to Protect the Rights or Safety of Women and Homosexuals, But Failed
     97. Laws requiring fees and licenses to get married

     98. The Roe v. Wade U.S. Supreme Court decision
     99. Legal limitations and prohibitions on abortion
     100. The Violence Against Women Act (V.A.W.A.) of 1994
     101. Legislative proposals to require women to register for the draft

XV. Eight Laws and Programs That Fail to Protect Children
     102. Laws establishing minimum ages for consent to sex

     103. Laws establishing minimum ages for consent to marriage
     104. The federal law establishing a minimum age for consent to sex
     105. Laws requiring registration as a sex offender
     106. Laws establishing Child Protective Services -type agencies
     107. The federal law which established the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
     108. Policies against establishing laws requiring minimum ages for tattooing and piercing
     109. Social Security Title IV-D (child support)


XVI. Three More Terrible Laws
     110. The Enumerated Power which authorizes Congress to "fix the standard of weights and measurements"
     111. Laws which regulate identity theft, in regards to banks' and credit agencies' customer information
     112. Laws which regulate identity theft, in regards to immigrants' Social Security

XVII. Conclusion: New Laws Don't Work
 






Content


Part 1: Introduction (Including Seventeen Bad Basic Laws of Government)


I. First Introduction: Government Failure

     Can you name a law that has ever worked? A law that has worked the way it was intended?
     In our society, we're used to talking about market failures; high prices, high profits, price manipulation, monopolies, etc.. But I submit that we're not talking enough about government failures. Things like regulatory capture, and the erection of corporate privilege. Those things are every bit as important to talk about as market failures, because they cause most of those market failures in the first place (giving businesses power by handing them taxpayer money and/or writing special privileges for them into the law).
     In this essay, I will name ninety-five laws (or types of laws) in the United States – most of them federal laws – and explain how they achieve the exact opposite of their desired or intended effect. In explaining this, I will defend the idea that most attempts by the voting American public, to secure some equal liberty or new positive right – in many different policy arenas – have historically resulted in surrendering more decision-making power to the government regarding those policy issues, instead of resulting in more freedom or equality for the people.
     I will focus on two basic sets of policy areas:
     1) general constitutional powers which enable or limit government; and
     2) the failures of the “War on Terror”, the “War on Drugs”, and the “War on Poverty”.
In discussing the failures of those “wars”, I will explain how putting too much trust in the government to solve problems, has led to disastrous declines in the quality of policy regarding the military, policing, health care, legal and illegal drugs, and various economic issues pertaining to relations between workers and employers (and the government).
     And all of these issues are interrelated, I might add. Our police and military enforce not only the “War on Terror”, but they also defend (or decline to defend) ourselves and our property, enforce the “War on Drugs” and the “War on Poverty”, they enforce the financial and business and labor regulations.
     Whether it is constitutional that those agents enforce those laws – that is, whether the enforcement of these laws, is itself “legal” in the first place – should be considered an issue of extreme importance. So should the issues of whether the police, or other government officials, publicly-protected companies, should do what they're told; as well as the matter of whether the policy works in the first place; and, at that, works they way it was intended to work.
     [Note: The fact that I have included a specific law, or types of law, below, should not necessarily be construed to mean that I believe that such laws, or types of laws, could never work, nor that I believe they do never work. In many cases, I do doubt whether such laws could ever work; but in some of the cases listed below, I am merely criticizing the manner in which those laws have been historically implemented, and saying that the laws did not work as they were intended to work.]


II. Second Introduction: Five Reasons Why We Shouldn't Trust the Government

     There is a popular libertarian saying whose author is unknown. It was popularized by Barry Goldwater, often mistakenly attributed to Thomas Jefferson, and began circulating in 1950s American newspapers. It goes like this: “A government that is big enough to give you everything you want, is big enough to take it all away.” Whomever said it, it certainly seems true.
     We should not trust the government to solve our problems, for five main reasons; because of:
     1) the government's power to regulate ­ or not regulate – corporations (and to break up, or not break up, monopolies);
     2) the government's power to create monopolies and to create corporations;
     3) the corruptibility of the licensing and permit systems;
     4) the moral hazard involved in trusting the government and only government to solve our problems; and
     5) regulatory capture (the process whereby an industry comes to be “regulated” by the same people who work in that industry).

     If we trust the government to regulate corrupt companies, and tax owners who profit off of the public dime, then the government will do exactly that. I'm not doubting the government's ability, nor its will, to do those things. But shouldn't corrupt C.E.O.s, and people who embezzle taxpayer money, go to jail, instead of just having their taxes raised, and new “restraints” placed on them?
     But the issue isn't just that we're not jailing criminals if they happen to be wealthy; it's also that the government usually incentivizes wealthy criminals to commit their crimes. It does this through giving them special legal and financial protections, and devoting more money and police resources towards protecting the rich and their investments than the poor and their homes.
     Why should we trust the government to break up or regulate companies, or tax them adequately, or decline to abuse their privileges? For two simple reasons: 1) Government cannot be trusted to regulate nor break-up monopolies, because government (that is, state government) is a monopoly. 2) Why would government want to limit the power of corporations, when it's the government that's creating all of these corporations in the first place?
     Another endemic problem with our government is political; the manner in which large companies manage to secure taxpayer money and privileges for themselves, having asked for those things as a consolation for being taxed and regulated. Those companies and their lobbyists make it impossible to pass meaningful economic reforms that help the poor, because wealthy companies get away with insisting to legislators that all laws designed to help the poor, help them less than they help the rich.
     For all of these reasons, and the following, trusting government is a terrible idea, and here are ninety-two reasons why.


III. Three Clauses That Enable Legislative Action, But Are Used to Excuse Government Overreach

     The first three laws I will discuss, enable government but intend to severely limit it. They do the opposite of what they intend to do, because their language is abused by legislators, so as to excuse more government overreach and more distortion of the meaning of the law, instead of abiding by the limitation originally intended.

     These three laws are the General Welfare Clause, the Necessary and Proper Clause, and the Interstate Commerce Clause.

     1. The General Welfare Clause.
     The General Welfare Clause is a part of the Taxing and Spending Clause (found in Article I, Section 8, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution). It is the first clause of the “Enumerated Powers”; the eighteen specifically authorized powers of Congress.

     The General Welfare Clause empowers Congress to “lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts, and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;”.
The General Welfare Clause does the opposite of what it intends to do, because the meanings of “general” and “welfare” in “General Welfare” Clause are being distorted.

     “General” means that duties, imposts, and excise taxes shall be uniform throughout the country. Basically, it means that the burden of taxation must be equal (at least in regards to those types of taxes). However, even if the burden of income taxation fell on states equally (which it doesn't), there is no proof that income taxation is good policy even when it can be done constitutionally.
     Additionally, “welfare” meant “well-being” when the Constitution was written, so it is arguable as to whether something like a “Department of Health, Education, and Welfare”, or modern welfare programs, are permissible under this clause of the Constitution.
     Thus, distortion of the terms “general” and “welfare” has permitted an uneven income tax burden across the states, in order to spend that money on - not the general welfare (which really just means the equal benefit of all people across the country), but – the vague or specific welfare. Any and every type of spending is allowed, to benefit any and every particular social safety net project or corporate welfare giveaway. And so, with no rationale as to why we're spending this money on these particular people and causes, we justify taxing people with no rationale as to whether we're taxing them equally.
     The General Welfare Clause enables government overreach, although its intent was to limit government. But I say “its intent”; the law doesn't have any intent. I mean to refer to the intent of the legislators who wrote it. And they, of course, worked for the government. We should expect no less, for as Thrasymachus explained, justice always serves “the advantage of the stronger”. This is to say that any government we can elect, will always rule in its own benefit; in favor of incumbents, and in favor of continuing the same style and structure of government.
     The General Welfare Clause would better be called the “Specific Welfare Clause”, the “Vague Welfare Clause”, or the “General Harm Clause”.

     2. The Necessary and Proper Clause
     The final clause in Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution, empowers the Congress “To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States...”.
     The Necessary and Proper Clause is often used to excuse doing whatever people think is necessary and proper for the government to do. But the term, as used in the Constitution, does not mean that at all. What is “necessary and proper” here, is not for the government to do whatever it wants, nor whatever the people wants; the intent here is to limit government's ability to do anything other than what is necessary and proper to execute “the foregoing Powers”.
     And what are “the foregoing Powers”? The Enumerated Powers. The preceding seventeen powers of Congress which are named before that sentence in the Constitution. The powers to create military and diplomatic policy, and monetary and treasury policy, and to punish piracy and regulate slavery, protect scientific discoveries, designate post roads, and little else.
     Congress was never intended to have the authority to do anything other than the seventeen things listed in Article I, Section 8, and the eighteenth congressional power enables Congress to do what is necessary to do those other seventeen things, and nothing else.
     The Necessary and Proper Clause would better be called the “Unnecessary and Improper Clause”, or the “Do What You Feel Clause”.

     3. The Interstate Commerce Clause
     The third clause in Article I, Section 8, empowers the Congress “To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.”
     Today, this clause is used to justify regulating not only business activity which substantially affects interstate commerce, but also anything that could remotely be described as economic activity, which could theoretically be construed as subtly affecting interstate commerce in any small way.
     The power to regulate interstate Commerce Clause is not even used; much less as intended. The clause intended to restrict economic regulation to what is necessary to prevent states from passing preferential laws that unduly favor the domestic commerce occurring within those states, over commerce from other states. Today, states are allowed to propose laws like this – for example, a law proposed in Minnesota that would have imposed a tax on craft beers from out-of-state - without anyone noticing that they violate the interstate Commerce Clause.
     The Commerce Clause thus enables Congress to regulate any and all economic activity, and enables states to consider laws that violate the Constitution and destroy the fairness of the American free trade zone, when the clause originally intended to strictly limit the power of the federal government to regulate interstate commerce, and to limit the power of the state governments to pass laws that protect local state business interests over the interests of other states.
     The interstate Commerce Clause would more appropriately be called the “Let the States Unfairly Protect Their Own Companies Clause” or the "Let the Federal Government Regulate Whatever it Wants Clause".



IV. Six Laws with Deceptive Names

     There are many laws in America – the P.A.T.R.I.O.T. Act and the Patient Protection Affordable Care Act, for example (which I'll get to later) – which have deceptive names. These deceptive names reveal precisely how the law does the opposite of what it states it is trying to do.


     4. Citizens United
     The Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission Supreme Court decision allows unlimited campaign donations; on the basis of the idea that donations to political campaigns are a form of free expression which is protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. The ruling has divided the country.
     “Citizens United” would better be called “Citizens Divided”.

     5. N.A.F.T.A. (The North American Free Trade Agreement)
     The 1993/1994 North American Free Trade Agreement was a multilateral trade compact (or treaty) between several national governments. Its intention was to promote free trade, but it only worked towards a zero-tariff scenario and real free trade.
     Furthermore, N.A.F.T.A. went backwards on protecting property, the environment, and the sovereignty of foreign countries. It did this by allowing the Mexican Constitution to be amended so as to allow the exploitation of native land in Mexico by international property developers (among other negative consequences of the deal).
     Moreover, trade deals can be negotiated without governments, and they are probably even best negotiated without governments. Thus, N.A.F.T.A. achieved the opposite of free trade; it was a government-managed trade deal.
     Some criticize N.A.F.T.A. for creating a “North American free trade zone” that threatens to flood America with cheap products, cheap labor, or both. But that is to criticize the deal for making trade “too free”. I criticize it because it makes trade too unfree.
     The North American Free Trade Agreement would more appropriately be called “the North American Unfree Trade Agreement” or the “Make North America Submit Economically to the United States Agreement”.

     6. The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act
     The 2008 Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (E.E.S.A) was a congressional bailout measure intended to mitigate the damage of the 2007-08 financial crisis. While its stated intention was to “stabilize the economy”, what it actually did was authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to buy up to $700 billion in troubled assets.
     The E.E.S.A. was just the first in a series of bailouts, which affected nine major companies. Financial analysts have argued as to whether the total cost of the bailouts and restructuring ended up amounting to $10, $12, or even $29.6 trillion dollars, as opposed to the initial $700 billion troubled asset purchase authorization which made the Troubled Asset Relief Program “necessary” to create.
     Thus, the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act would better be called the “Emergency Economic Destabilization Act”, because it was a risky piece of legislation that put the economy in further peril.

     7. The Protect Life Act
The Protect Life Act, which was passed by Congress in 2011 but not signed into law, would have prohibited Obamacare funding from being spent on abortion. Its express purpose would have been to protect the life of the unborn fetus.
     However, that proposed law also would have made it legal for hospitals to deny abortions to pregnant women even if they have life-threatening conditions.
     Thus, the Protect Life Act would more appropriately be called the “Protect Fetus' Lives Only Act” or the “Let Women Die in Childbirth Act”.

     8. The Restoring Internet Freedom Act
     The Restoring Internet Freedom Act, enacted in 2018, destroys the freedom of the internet - its open-source, collaborative commons, peer-to-peer nature - because it prohibits the F.C.C. (Federal Communication Corporation) from classifying I.S.P.s (internet service providers) as common carriers. The law also prohibits the F.C.C. from “imposing certain regulations on providers of such service”.
     Thus, the Restoring Internet Freedom Act, would more appropriately be called “the Destroying Internet Freedom Act”.

     9. The Defense of Marriage Act (D.O.M.A.)
     The Defense of Marriage Act, which was federal law from 1996 to 2015, prohibited married same-sex couples from collecting federal benefits.
     Thus, the Defense of Marriage Act defended solely the marriages of heterosexuals, in treating same-sex couples in a discriminatory manner. So it doesn't defend marriages; if it did, then it would defend all marriages (between consenting adults), and it would want there to be more marriages. But the people who wrote and approved D.O.M.A. didn't want that.
     That's why the Defense of Marriage Act would better be termed the “Defend Straight Marriages Only Act”, the “Destruction of Marriage Act”, the “Preferential Treatment for Straight Couples Act”, or the “Offend Gay Marriages Act”.



[Explanations for examples of government failure #10-#110 will appear on this page at a later date.]






Written on July 27th, 2019
Based on Notes Taken in June and July 2019

Written for the Bughouse Square Debates, held in Chicago, Illinois on July 27th, 2019
and delivered in part at the debates

Edited on August 13th, 2019


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