Showing posts with label Tariffs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tariffs. Show all posts

Friday, May 7, 2021

Achieving Low Prices on Automobiles and Pharmaceuticals Through Zero Tariffs and Limited Patents

      In the wake of the Covid-19 crisis, and the production of several vaccines against coronavirus, the Canadian government is now signaling that it will consider waiving intellectual property protections on those vaccines.

     This news comes two-and-a-half years after Canada placed a 270% tariff against the importation of foreign milk into Canada. Canada, like the nations of Europe, had recently become caught up in a trade war, which arguably began when then-president Donald Trump increased tariffs on foreign steel.
     Those steel tariffs caused America's farmers to demand a bailout, due to: 1) the fact that the tariffs on foreign steel arguably functioned as a protection for American steel in the process; 2) the increased cost, to farmers, of farm equipment which is made out of cheap foreign-made steel, after tariffs; 3) agricultural exports from the U.S. to China declined significantly after the tariffs were applied; and 4) the fact that the farm industry hadn't yet been bailed out, and seemed to need a bailout, in proportion to the protection afforded to U.S. steel workers.
     http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2019/03/tariffs-drive-farm-income-down-and-equipment-prices/583
     This phenomenon has been commented on, in such great detail, that it was arguably predicted; by the economist Henry Hazlitt, in Chapter 11 of his 1946 book Economics in One Lesson.


     It is too bad that Canada isn't considering waiving I.P. protections on all medications, rather than just the coronavirus vaccine.
     If free-market economic theory is correct, then as long as sovereign governments respect the limitations put on them by the people, and take a more non-interventionist role in the economy, then a move towards zero tariffs, and the reduction of the length of patent terms, will result in a freeing of trade and price competition, which itself will lead to dramatic reductions in the prices of all goods.
     And if Medicare for All or universal health care isn't on the way, then cheaper medical prices is something that Americans - and people all over the world - need badly right now.

     So the free-market theory goes: If the state didn't (or couldn't) rescue or bail-out failing firms - and didn't hand taxpayer money over to politicians' corporate cronies - then failing firms and large monopolies could easily be competed-against; whether out of existence, or just out of their monopoly status.
     Auto plant workers, farmers, and people in the pharmaceutical industry, each have their own distinct ways of evaluating the comparative value of the quantity and quality of steel, cars, farm equipment, food, pharmaceuticals, medical devices, and so on. Their subjective preferences, professions, and relative needs for each of these items at different times, strongly influence the way that these people will interact, and what they will buy, and when.
     Just as farmers will want to either optimize quality and cost of the steel that goes into their farm equipment, or else sacrifice quality for cost or vice-versa, the same question exists in medicine. Obviously, high-quality, low-cost medication is the most desired outcome, but that doesn't seem realistic. So, then, should medications be low-quality yet widely available? Or should they be high-quality yet restricted to the few?
     Instead of assuming that either quality or affordability must be sacrificed, and mandate that one firm should produce a good at a particular price, it is perhaps best to give the consumer the choice in the matter. And that can be done; through allowing multiple producers of similar goods to exist, and distribute different numbers of goods at different prices from other firms, so that individual consumers can choose whether they want a lot of the cheap stuff, or a little of the high-strength stuff, or something in between.
     The economic coordination between the customer and the firm he wants to go out of business, would be done not by a government that can keep that bad business afloat, but would instead be done through the consumer calling the firm to complain, or through refraining to purchase the product. Thanks to taxation and subsidization, and the limitations upon boycotts which are imposed by the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947, the freedom to refrain to purchase a product, is limited. Thus, the right to boycott, and the right of each consumer to play his role in regulating the economy, are limited as well.

     Just as people's professions and subjective preferences influence their demands in term of price and quality, those factors will also strongly influence their vote, as well as their demands from government.
     People in the pharmaceutical industry will, naturally, vote and buy as if the labor of doctors and pharmaceutical engineers are - at least on a metaphysical level - somehow intrinsically more valuable than the labor done by the people who grow and harvest our food, and who build and maintain our cars.
     And maybe health is more important than transportation. But on the other hand, you can't be healthy if you don't eat, and you can scarcely enjoy your health if you can't travel anywhere. In fact, not being able to travel much, can have a negative impact on your mental and emotional health, by causing you to feel cooped up and trapped. But then again, some cars pollute. But some cars pollute less.
     The point being: Life is complicated. Economics are complicated. But coordination and economic planning are possible without government. So why unnecessarily involve the government in coordinating international trade, when it can barely facilitate international trade? Government's primary role should be to facilitate non-violent productive behavior, rather than to promote the production or sale of any law-abiding particular person or firm over any other.

     Tariffs, and trade policies - sadly - are often enacted in order to supposedly correct for some "crime" which a foreign country is perpetrating on either American consumers, or its own people, or both.
     China is supposedly "flooding" America with cheap products. But it's not like America is producing many of the same products. So where else are we going to get them from?
     Moreover, America levies tariffs "against" Chinese exporters, supposedly because their client firms are exploiting their workers. And many of them undoubtedly are. But does everybody in China deserve to pay the price for the behavior of exploitative firms? Additionally, those tariffs do not help those Chinese workers, because the costs of the tariffs are not footed by the Chinese exporter, but through wage-theft from the workers. That's what happens when there is nothing in the tariff law to stipulate that the exporter must charge only his most exploitative C.E.O. clients for the cost of the tariffs. There is nothing to ensure that the tariff will have the desired and intended effect.
     Additionally, China's Company Law requires foreign firms that set up shop in China, to share their technology with Chinese firms active in the same industries, as a cost of doing business in China. This cross-cultural sharing of technology, is unfortunately labeled by American capitalists, as "intellectual property theft". That's right: What China considers to be its intellectual property law, is described by America as intellectual property theft.

     This fight - between every firm and government, to produce something, and then profit through resting on their laurels leveraging the value of the product, by hoarding it and sitting on it - must end. The trade war must end, before it accelerates into trade blocs, a cold war, and hot wars.


     Do we really need tariffs in the first place? Before continuing, let's review some basic facts about tariffs.

     To be clear: tariffs are distinct from inspection fees.
     Since the government port authority is inspecting goods, the inspectors deserve to be compensated for the costs that went into inspecting those goods. It is only appropriate that the people exchanging the goods, pay for inspections (to make sure there are no slaves or stowaways on board, and to make sure there are no illicit materials) when goods cross international boundaries. Thus, customs inspection fees are not a tax, but more accurately, a use-based fee, built on a fee-for-service model.
     But customs inspection fees can be justified, without justifying tariffs along with them.

     Tariffs are unnecessary, competition-reducing, price-increasing taxes, which - like sales taxes, and for a lot of the same reasons - should not exist. If more efficient taxes could replace tariffs - and they could - then we can agree that tariffs add to the final price of the product unnecessarily. Increasing the final price, in turn, makes it more likely that those who foot the cost of the tariff, will purchase less of the product as a result.
     Additionally, tariffs - like sales taxes - can be passed-on to market actors whom were not intended to bear the burden of the taxes. This is what is meant when politicians like Donald Trump assure us that "China will pay for the tariffs" and "we (Americans) don't pay for those tariffs, they'll get passed on to China." That is only true until tariffs beget retaliatory tariffs.
     Moreover, tariffs inhibit international trade, or at least make it more expensive and complicated. Lastly, import tariffs are paid by domestic American importers.
     http://www.reason.com/2021/05/24/china-is-paying-about-7-percent-of-tariff-costs-americans-are-paying-the-rest/


     While increasing tariffs may achieve one of its desired results (namely, punishing domestic civilians and foreign producers for trading with each other), it has multiple negative effects as well. The cost of making trade more expensive, is arguably not worth the cost involved in choosing winners and losers in the market (in this case, American producers winning over foreign producers, as the result of import tariffs).
     That's why a move towards zero tariffs, for both importing and exporting, is the way to go. And the more countries that do this, the more money can be saved by the people of all countries that trade with us.



     If the cost of importing and exporting would be reduced to the price of inspection fees, then nobody's fingers would have to be worked to the bone, to generate large amounts of value that allow exporters and importers to pay their tariffs.
     If neither the U.S., nor any of its trade partners, levied any duties on the importation and exportation of goods, then there would be no need to create trade policies which take tariffs into account.
     Think about it. Modern U.S. trade policies regarding the production of automobiles, for example, mandate that at least a certain percentage of a car must be made in one country, while a different percentage of a car must be made in another country.
     Domestic producers fear zero tariffs because they would cause the price of foreign-made goods to drop. But zero tariffs would also cause price decreases of products (namely, cars) which are assembled in multiple countries, and made of parts that come from multiple countries.
     Thus, decreasing tariffs will make it easier (and cheaper, via both government and private avenues) to trade any and all pieces of equipment which are so complex that they cannot be built within a single country. This category consists of a lot more goods than we might suspect, and to things that seem much simpler than machines. This fact is illustrated by economist Leonard Read, in his essay "I, Pencil".
     


     Hopefully, by this point, it should be clear to the reader that tariffs are useless (in terms of facilitating non-violent trade and production), and why.
     In my opinion, sales taxes, and government-conducted trade policies, are equally useless. So are intellectual property protections, when they are too strong and too long.
     That is why, in 2020, I ran for the U.S. House of Representatives, on a platform of medical price relief, which I called "E.M.P.A.T.H.I.C.". "E.M.P.A.T.H.I.C." stands for "Eliminating Medical Patents to Achieve Human Immortality Cheaply".
     So the idea goes: If reducing the duration of medical patents, will allow cheap generics to enter the market sooner - resulting in cheaper medical prices - then eliminating medical patents altogether might cause prices to drop even more quickly than shortening them.
     Naturally, some on the economic right are concerned that eliminating medical patents, or reducing patent terms too drastically, will result in less investment in expensive pharmaceutical research. And maybe that is true. And new vaccines always need to come out, when viruses mutate again and again.
     But vaccines aren't the only type of medication; there are also pharmaceuticals. And disease prevention isn't the only type of medical relief; administering cures and relieving symptoms exist too. More than sixty-five medications existed in early 2020, which could be used to treat the symptoms of Covid-19. Instead of shortening their patents, or distributing them to the people, our lawmakers were more focused on profiting off of medical stock, and on promoting the development of new medications which could be used to combat Covid-19.
     The same exact thing happened during the H.I.V./A.I.D.S. crisis in the early 1980s; promotion of new medications whose development meant profit for pharmaceutical developers, over previously existing medications whose sale wouldn't "stimulate the economy" as much. Coincidentally, this was largely due to the action (or inaction) of Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (N.I.A.I.D.).


     It seems that Canada - a country known for its cheap medications and their easy accessibility to any foreign tourist - has finally grown tired of the trade war.
     For intellectual property protections to be waived on coronavirus vaccines, will cause large companies to lose profits. But those companies do not deserve those profits; they have not earned those profits yet. Government trade policies that rig international trade, and the legitimate violence that governments threaten in order to extort unjustifiable taxes (such as tariffs), are the only reasons why large pharmaceutical companies "stand to" reap so much profit in the future.
     Such companies have grown so entitled to this potential future money, that some of them have begun suing governments for loss of profit, for having the audacity to pass laws punishing fraudulent, exploitative, and irresponsible behavior.


     This insanity must end.
     China - and India, which was recently hit with high Covid death tolls - each have more than a billion people. To paraphrase Mao Tse Tung, considerations must be made for the fact that hundreds of millions more people live in China (and India) than in any other country on Earth.
     We cannot pretend that the difficulties obtaining medications, which are faced today by people in foreign countries, will not affect us in the United States tomorrow. Our health is tied to the health of every other people who participates in global trade. This fact does not mean that we have to submit to unreasonable government restrictions regarding health and trade, though. It just means that we should stop protecting property rights so strongly.


     America cannot go on for much longer, pretending that the reason why it is enforcing intellectual property protections for longer and longer every decade, is due to its desire to be "exceptional"; distinct from the other, more "socialist" nations.
     "Socialism" doesn't mean "government doing stuff", but even if this simple definition of socialism were true, then protecting I.P. rights so strongly, is actually more "socialistic" than doing nothing.
     If capitalists insist on defining "socialism" and "redistribution" in such generalized ways, then why wouldn't it qualify as "redistribution" to extort money from taxpayers to pay for the apprehension and prosecution of I.P. violators (a/k/a pirates)?


     Why should the cross-cultural exchange of information, regarding Covid-19 and coronavirus vaccines, continue to be limited by law, when those limitations increase the prices of those goods, and when there are so many people on the planet who need an affordable vaccine?
     The solution is not to rush the vaccine. The solution is to decrease intellectual property protections, and trade barriers, which keep vaccines and medications expensive, until investment in pharmaceutical and vaccine R&D (research and development) begin to noticeably decline, and result in a level of medical production and innovation which is widely considered unacceptable.
     Until that problem appears, decrease the length of medical patents - and decrease tariffs unilaterally - and hope that other countries will follow suit. We must stop pointing to other countries, and saying "they have higher tariffs than we do, so they should lower them first", nor "they don't respect our patent laws, so we shouldn't have to respect theirs".
     Dying sick people and steel producers alike, cannot afford to play the "whataboutism" game anymore. They need affordable medicine, food, and transportation. There is no need to heap political barriers, to accessing and owning those resources, on top of the economic and social barriers to owning them, which already exist.


     The tools it takes to help people afford the needs of life, are political, but only to the extent that the politicization of the problem is the problem. Without all of the political tools like I.P. and tariffs and trade deals, the problem would be easily recognized as more economic than it is political. But only when economic exploitation ceases, will it become obvious to all, that the lack of access to human needs, is in fact a social problem; a humanitarian problem.
     It is one thing to say that a certain good shouldn't be owned. But it is another thing entirely, to say that a whole civilization should not have access to the technology necessary to produce, for themselves, what others refuse to produce for their benefit. Depriving people of technology, makes them into slaves to the technocratic productive class; just as depriving them of education makes them slaves of those who withhold information from them.


     It's time to liberate information and technology.
     Internet entrepreneur Kim Dotcom said "information wants to be free". This is true of damaging information about governments, and it is true about pieces of art which nobody would see without either money or the mass distribution allowed through filesharing. It is also true of information technologies, like assembly instructions, and the shapes of parts.
     Three-dimensional printing has not only liberated production; the production of printed guns has even empowered those wishing to defend themselves from corrupt government with the help of the Second Amendment and the Supreme Court case of D.C. v. Heller (which finds that the amendment protects the individual right to bear arms).
     Just as plans for guns can be sent over the internet, so can plans for cars. The more parts that people can produce in their own homes, the less they will have to rely on large companies to overcharge them for replacement parts.
     Considering that the current "fourth industrial revolution" is giving us technologies that fuse biological and digital technology (i.e., "Bio-Tech"), it is hard to wonder how long it will be before a poor sick person, in China or America, will be able to "download" a medication over the internet. Or at least a surgery program that they can upload to their robotic surgeon.
     The 2010s and 2020s are bringing humanity amazing medical innovations. A baby lamb was grown in a plastic bag, used as an artificial womb. A spinach leaf was grafted onto a piece of human heart tissue, and the blood made to run through the stalks of the spinach. Cloning technology and stem cell technology is developing all the time. Moreover, adult stem cell research is developing, which means that more medical advances can be made without controversially harvesting embryos.


     Why should any of this mind-blowing, life-expectancy-increasing technology, be any more expensive than it needs to be?
     Lowering sales taxes and tariffs - and the length of intellectual property protections - for any and all kinds of goods - can only result in longer, more comfortable, affordable lives for people, with less pressure to work long hours.

     Ironically, it is not the desire to remain faithful to the Constitution, which has caused this problem. Refraining from obeying the Constitution's limitations upon government, caused this problem.
     Obeying the Constitution's call - to secure rights to authors and inventors "for limited times" [emphasis mine] - would have prevented the current state of high prices and few competing producers. Allowing patents to get longer and longer all the time, with no limit in sight, is helping nobody but the government, profiteers who have long since stopped producing, and the grateful dead whose numbers are growing all the time.
     Zero tariffs and limited I.P. would thus hurt nobody, except for the "producers" that corrupt our government, take advantage of us by stealing our money, and then stop producing.



Written on May 6th and 7th, 2021

Published on May 7th, 2021

Edited and Expanded on May 8th and 12th, 2021

Link Added on May 25th, 2021

Friday, September 20, 2019

A Constructive Critique of the Libertarian Party's Platform and Messaging


     The following questions were written as part of the Libertarian Party of Illinois's vetting process for nominees. The answers were written on September 20th, 2019, as part of my application for the Libertarian Party's nomination for U.S. House of Representatives from Illinois's 10th Congressional District, for the election to be held on Tuesday, November 3rd, 2020.






     Q: Which plank(s) of the Libertarian Party Platform do you agree with, and why?


     A: I agree with the party's strong desire to protect civil liberties, and to achieve decentralized/localized government. I appreciate the party's understanding of the need to balance privilege with responsibility, while distinguishing privilege from freedom. I agree that economic freedom and social freedom go hand in hand, and that the government should stay out of both our bedrooms and our finances, and refrain from discriminating against us on the basis of our membership in any group. I agree that the Non-Aggression Principle should guide our economic morality to accept exchanges which are both voluntary and mutually beneficial. I agree that a person has a right to what he produces, and that most forms of taxation take away the incentive to produce by confiscating the product. I agree that both spending and taxation by government, and social and corporate welfare, are out of control, and need to be reigned in, and so do the size and scope of government in general, the size of the federal workforce, and the pay and benefits of elected and appointed officials. I agree with the right of self-determination and the right to alter or abolish our government if it becomes destructive of our liberties.




     Q: Which plank(s) of the Libertarian Party Platform do you not agree with, and why?

     A: I agree with the vast majority of the planks of the L.P. platform; the only areas of disagreement I might have at the nuts-and-bolts policy level, would be cases in which some proposed reform: 1) is extremely popular, or else optional; 2) is properly constitutionally authorized through the amendment process; 3) can be done as locally as possible; and 4) has a sunset clause. A proposed law which has all of these characteristics, would likely satisfy me, as long as it is a wise and necessary law. I would be willing to propose and pass new laws, but only while repealing several outdated laws for each new one enacted. I believe that most "taxation is theft", but I also believe that the least harmful taxes are those which are minimally detrimental to productivity.

     The issues I have with the Libertarian Party relate more to some of its messaging and rhetoric, than to its policy conclusions (which are nearly unobjectionable; their only flaw is that a variety of potential solutions is not articulated in each section). I consider myself an "open-borders", "free trade" libertarian, who supports "markets, not capitalism", and questions whether it is necessary for government to play a role in the recognition and protection of property claims and property titles. This puts me somewhat at odds with the libertarians who are more likely to describe themselves as capitalists than free-marketers, and as strong supporters of property rights and self-ownership.

     While I am a strong supporter of individual rights (such as bodily autonomy, the right to keep what you create, and the freedom from being forced to work), I do not see the rhetoric of "self-ownership" as a helpful or necessary way of thinking about our right of self-control, because I think it encourages us to see our bodies as mere pieces of property. I agree with the second sentence in Section 1.1 of the L.P. platform, but I don't think "individuals own their bodies" is either a meaningful statement, a clear statement, or helpful messaging to get people to understand our ideas, because some say self-ownership means the right to sell ourselves and destroy ourselves (which I would question, on the grounds that we didn't create ourselves). Some of the logic behind self-ownership theory is valid, but we must avoid misinterpreting it so as to suggest that our rights are based on how much property we own. But as long as Libertarians continue to value "life, liberty, and property" equally - and don't prioritize the need to protect physical property over the need to protect innocent human lives - then I will be with the L.P. one hundred percent.

     I should also note that, as a "markets, not capitalism" libertarian. I would caution the Libertarian Party to avoid designating "capitalism" as its preferred economic system, because I believe that "free markets" is not only a more popular term, but a distinct school of thought altogether. I agree with those who believe that America has never had totally free markets, not with those who believe we have free markets right now. I take the side of the "market anarchists" (but not the "anarcho-capitalists") in the debate between "minimal government" and anarchism, because I believe that government is unnecessary whenever voluntary association, direct action, mutual aid, and mutually beneficial exchange, are practiced freely.

     I support free markets, free trade (with no treaties being necessary), an open market system, free competition and free cooperation, and equal liberty through equality of opportunity. But I do not believe that being exploited, overworked, undervalued, or poisoned without one's knowledge, are among our rights or our freedoms. That's why I would be willing to support restrictions limiting the number of hours which can be worked consecutively, such as in the trucking trade (but I suspect that most LP members would have no issue with this, as long as such restrictions are properly authorized by the law, enforced by the most local level of government possible, and properly funded). While some foreign nations are plagued with labor abuses, I would not support increased tariffs, nor any other form of "economic punishment"; because that does not solve the problem. The solution is to unabashedly lower our own tariffs to zero, while achieving better labor standards domestically, setting a good example for other countries. Trade wars - and high tariffs and sales taxes - only lead to increased politicization of trade, and eventually to trade blocs, sanctions, embargoes, cold wars, and hot wars. The solution to unfree trade is more free trade.

     Some Libertarians may disagree with me on some of those points, but I am willing to engage them and entertain their ideas, while explaining why I think it would be better for the L.P.'s and the libertarian movement's principles and messaging strategy in the long term, if it maximizes its potential to appeal to everyone who has traditionally called themselves libertarians, including not only the classical liberals, but also the anarchists of 19th century Europe, with whom the term "libertarian" originated. I say this not as criticism, but as a way to suggest making the Libertarian Party into the biggest tent for libertarians possible.





Written on September 20th, 2019
Originally Published on September 20th, 2019
Edited on October 9th, 2019


Thursday, May 8, 2014

Foreign Trade Agreements

The following was written in November 2013 as a response to the questionnaire for federal candidates seeking an endorsement from the Liberty Caucus of the Republican Conference (i.e., the Republican Party).

Here is the link to the original questionnaire:

http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CC4QFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwi.rlc.org%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2010%2F05%2FFederal-Candidate-Questionnaire.doc&ei=u3B8UqXbBqPiiwL2ioCoDg&usg=AFQjCNHAzM58Dr-APGVchRKzOkVV0TKRyw&sig2=qStOgZ0RAgXVAbnHi2kFtw

This is my answer to Question #7.




7. A and C
   (I favor both bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements to reduce barriers to trade; rather than favoring America first in every way possible or supporting and protecting industries which are in trouble)
   With respect to international commerce, I favor both (A) multi-lateral and (C) bilateral agreements and treaties to reduce barriers to trade such as quotas and tariffs.
   I believe that it would not be wise to support (D) America first in every way possible or to (B) support and protect industries which are in trouble because for a country to consider only its own interests and not the interests of other nations, and to favor itself and its industries – and choose itself and its industries as winners in the market – is to flaunt the fundamental rules of free markets, which is fair competition where no one is a dictator and no one is under duress.
    Nations must reduce barriers to trade – such as quotas and tariffs – in order to foster an environment of free and fair trade and friendly competition, without the corruption of government subsidies, favors, bailouts, and protectionism.

   I would support efforts to make both (A) multi-lateral and (C) bilateral agreements and treaties to reduce barriers to trade, in order to promote economic freedom and good economic and social relations with foreign nations.




For more entries on free trade, fair trade, the balance of trade, and protectionism, please visit:

Saturday, January 29, 2011

Immigration and the Minimum Wage

The U.S. (Right) - Mexico (Left) Border



Many socialists complain that the minimum wage law is a capitalist institution. The late economist Milton Friedman, who seemed oddly caught between the worlds of Austrian economics and Keynesianism, believed that the minimum wage law is an unfair, anti-capitalist trade barrier which contributes to unemployment and poverty, and that it is biased against the young, and also against under-skilled, which, under current societal conditions, means it is effectually racist.

Friedman once said, “the minimum wage law is most properly described as a law saying employers must discriminate against people who have low skills,” and, “what you are doing is to assure that people whose skills are not sufficient to justify that kind of a wage will be unemployed”. He also said that to require employment of a person at a wage rate higher than one he deserves is to force employers to engage in charity, and that the minimum wage law’s purpose is to “reduce competition for the trade unions and make it easier for them to maintain the wages of their privileged members higher than the others”.

However, it’s not only rich, dead, white Jews like Milton Friedman who oppose the minimum wage; it is also opposed by Orphe Divounguy, a black economic student from England. Divounguy says that the minimum wage is “government intervention in the marketplace for labor,” calls it a restriction on the freedom to contract, and compares it to cutting the bottom rungs off a ladder.

It should be noted that many companies which have revenue below a certain amount and / or are confined entirely within a state, are exempt from having to pay the minimum wage.

The 1950s and the last several years of the Bush administration saw sudden, drastic increases in the minimum wage. From 2006 to 2009, the federal minimum wage increased over 40 percent from $5.15 to $7.25 per hour. Divounguy claims that it “plays a key role in creating joblessness… except when the minimum wage is below the market rate for entry-level jobs”.

Fourteen U.S. states, the vast majority of which are currently majority-Democrat, have state minimum wage laws which are higher than the federal minimum wage. Four states have lower minimum wage laws, and five states, mostly majority-Republican, have no minimum wage laws at all. The other 27 states have a minimum wage which is the same as the federal wage. This begs the question: if states can pass laws which run contrary to the federal minimum wage law, what is the point of even having this ineffective federal law in the first place? 

That should cover capitalist criticism of the minimum wage law. Now, on to socialist arguments.



Earlier, I said that Milton Friedman criticized the minimum wage law. In fact, he once called it “the most anti-Negro law on the books.” It is an unfortunate problem in our country today that some of the most poor, uneducated, and disadvantaged people happen to be African-Americans and Hispanics. What is perhaps equally unfortunate is that many liberals believe that the disadvantaged do not know what is in their own best interest, and so, need to be protected and advocated for, and their own wages dictated for them by the rule of law.

The minimum wage was first established in a dozen or so of the states throughout the 1910s. In 1933, the minimum wage became a federal law, until it was found unconstitutional in 1935, but then in 1938, it was re-established under the Fair Labor Standards Act, at the rate of twenty-five cents per hour.

The condition of labor in the society of those days was that certain ethnic, national, and racial groups, as well as immigrants of different generations, tended to each have their own standards when it came to the value of their labor. When white workers would strike, employers would break strikes with blacks. When black workers would strike, employers would break strikes with Chinese or with eastern European immigrants.

Under such conditions, to enact a law which would impose a wage floor would make competition in the labor market more difficult for non-whites and non-English speakers, and easier for well-established white citizens. This is crucial to understanding why any sound socialist labor theory must reject the minimum wage.

In the Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx wrote, quote, “let the ruling classes tremble at a communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains; they have a world to win… working men of all countries, unite.” This quote appeals to the internationalist tendencies of socialism, which advocate simultaneous worldwide communist revolution.

This runs contrary to the social-chauvinist and vanguardist tendencies, which advocate that citizens faithful to the populist revolutionary forces within their own country should seek to overthrow that single country’s government if they are able to. The point I am trying to make is that minimum wage laws undermine worker solidarity, taking advantage of and deepening the economic class divisions between the races and ethnicities.

That should cover socialist criticisms of the minimum wage. Earlier, I mentioned that I would discuss immigration, and that two of the groups most hurt by the minimum wage law in the early 20th century were Chinese and eastern European immigrants. In an earlier video, I discussed outsourcing to India and Mexico, as well as protectionism. For those not familiar, protectionism is the imposition of a tax on foreign-made goods, commonly referred to as a tariff. George W. Bush often used the phrase “bariffs and terriers,” by which he meant, “tariffs and barriers.” This is to point out that a tariff can be an impediment to trade. Some even go so far as to label the minimum wage law a barrier to trade, calling it a tariff on labor.

For as long as I can remember, rednecks have been bitching about Mexicans stealing their jobs. To paraphrase stand-up comedian and brief 2008 presidential candidate Doug Stanhope, those rednecks are only complaining because they’re humiliated that a guy with no shoes who doesn’t even speak English yet is more qualified for their job than they are themselves. While appearing as a guest on a radio show in Britain, a caller complained to Stanhope that Polish immigrants were taking Britons’ jobs. Stanhope asked the caller what he did for a living, to which the caller replied, “I pack things in boxes,” later adding, “I’m quite good at it.”

Another important issue in America today which relates to immigration is the issue of illegal immigration across the U.S.-Mexico border. A significant number of these illegals include refugees from Central America. Lately, there has been increased drug violence in towns on both sides of the border.



In this year’s State of the Union, President Obama voiced a desire to deal with, once and for all, the issue of comprehensive immigration reform. U.S. Senator from Illinois Dick Durbin is a prominent advocate of the failed DREAM Act, which stands for Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors. The bill, which passed the House toward the end of the 111th congress, would provide housing and education assistance for children of illegal immigrants who attended American public schools and are in good standing with the law, and it would give them the opportunity to earn conditional permanent residency upon completion of either two years of military service or two years at an institution of higher learning.

U.S. Senator from Arizona John McCain said he would only support the DREAM Act if it were coupled with legislation that would increase border security. Outspoken musician and gun rights activist Ted Nugent, who happens to not do any drugs at all, once said that border security agents should shoot any armed person coming across the border on sight, because it indicates that that person is most likely involved in drug trafficking. But Ted Nugent also believes that people should be able to have guns to protect themselves.

A border agent was recently fired for expressing the opinion that the drug war is what is causing a lot of the border violence. Being that Mexican gun laws are some of the strictest in the world, anyone caught possessing either a gun with greater fire power than a .22, possessing illegal drugs, and / or crossing the border illegally, would be in big trouble with the law.

But I, of course, believe that if anti-drug and anti-gun laws were repealed, at least, for the most part, we would see a dramatic decline in violence, especially near the border. I also believe that illegal immigrants whom are not trafficking in large amounts of dangerously addictive illicit narcotics or have tendencies towards committing acts of aggressive violence should be permitted to carry weapons while venturing across the desert, because they may encounter such violent people, and have to defend themselves and / or their family. Those people should be confronted by border security agents, have their threat level assessed based on their possessions and whether they are with their families, and then they should be promptly let go… So as you can see, I agree with Senator McCain’s proposal (wink).



Back to the minimum wage for a moment. Besides the negative impact of the minimum wage law on low-skilled immigrants, there is an even more direct comparison I would like to make between the U.S.-Mexico border and the minimum wage law. Imagine for a moment, if you would, that Oaxaca is eleven dollars an hour, Mexico City is ten dollars an hour, Ciudad Valles is nine dollars an hour, Ciudad Victoria is eight dollars an hour, Matamoros is seven dollars and twenty-six cents an hour, the U.S.-Mexico border is the minimum wage, and Brownsville, Texas is seven dollars an hour.

The minimum wage is like the U.S.-Mexico border: it is an artificial barrier created by government, causing the most dismal conditions to sidle up against one edge, and when a low-skilled Hispanic emigrant attempts to cross that barrier in order to attempt to achieve the freedom and income he deserves - despite what others tell him is in his own best interest - government must return that individual to the side of the barrier on which he does not feel it appropriate, wise, or beneficial for himself to be located.

This minimum wage cannot stand. If we agree there should be a minimum wage at all, it should be just under the going market rate for entry-level labor, and adjusted as often as that value undergoes a significant change. The federal minimum wage law undermines the authority of the states, and it drives laborers apart based on ethnicity and abilities. It is a scourge to free-market capitalism, localized communal social democracy, and the strength of the labor movement, and at its current rate, it contributes to poverty and unemployment much more than it solves either of those problems.

Liberals and libertarians both believe in liberty and equality, it’s just that they want different kinds of each of those things. Liberals want liberty for the public from the tyranny of individuals and business, and they want equality of economic outcome. Libertarians want liberty for the individual and businesses from the tyranny of the masses and the government, and they want equality of economic opportunity. So, you see, true capitalists do care about the poor. It just doesn’t look that way to the untrained eye.


For more entries on borders, immigration, and territorial integrity, please visit:


For more entries on employment, unemployment, the minimum wage, and Right-to-Work, please visit:

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