Showing posts with label Marxism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Marxism. Show all posts

Saturday, March 9, 2013

Is Ron Paul Wrong?

Is Ron Paul Wrong?:

Is He a Nationalist, White-Separatist, Neo-Fascist
Exploiter, as His Liberal Detractors Claim,
or is He an Open-Borders, Anti-Racist, Cultural-Marxist
Egalitarian, as His Conservative Detractors Claim?



A problem that many people have with Ron Paul is that he believes that "charity" and "private enterprises" would provide people with health care (and other services) if government didn't.

What many of his critics may not understand is that:
1) by "charity" he doesn't mean "charity as it currently exists", but rather all voluntary giving which would exist after bureaucrats and politicians were to stop raiding the public funds they're supposed to protect, and compulsory taxation were to be abolished;
2) by "private", he doesn't necessarily mean businesses and properties the owners of which expect the government to defend on their behalf;
3) by "enterprises", he does not mean to exclude those firms which organize themselves in egalitarian manners (like syndicates and co-operatives); and
4) he believes that communities would be free to practice socialism in a libertarian society.

Understanding most or all of these things, many of those influenced by Ron Paul began to study paleoconservatism, classical liberalism, Austrian economics, and Objectivism. Some went further, towards Rothbardianism and left-Rothbardianism, Agorism, market anarchism, individualist anarchism, and egoist anarchism.

Many adherents of these ideologies - especially when debating with anarcho-collectivists, anarcho-communalists, libertarian socialists, anarcho-syndicalists, geolibertarians, and Mutualists - frequently make concessions along the lines of the four points enumerated above. Many also believe - as Rousseau and Benjamin Franklin believed - that private property rights are conditional; they are only legitimate if negotiated with the remainder of society.

I contend that all of these groups deserve a seat at the negotiation table, along the lines of Synthesis Anarchism / Anarchism without Adjectives. Effectually, non-hierarchical businesses, mutuals, co-ops, communities, and unions (insofar as they are willing to evolve into syndicates) would compete against existing governments and hierarchical firms - to provide individuals with any and all varieties and combinations of goods and services - unless and until governments give them seats at the table.

Were it to be resolved among anarchists that negotiation with the State were useless and / or inexcusable, we would have to employ non-State-assisted tactics in order to out-compete the State to provide people with the means of subsistence and production; we would use counter-economics, direct action, mutual aid, and (quoting left-Rothbardian Gary Chartier) the "elimination of privilege [,...] freeing the market [,...] acts of solidarity [,...] radical rectification [of State theft, and...] radical homesteading".

Were it to be resolved among anarchists that being conciliatory to the State's way of doing things were imperative for the stability and cohesiveness of society - and that the State may actually be interested in diminishing the power of itself and its beneficiaries - we would have to change things through party politics.

We could:
   1) gradually convert Democrats and Republicans to anarchism,
   2) grow and empower third-party and independent politics,
   3) diminish the role of party dominance in the congressional ideological caucuses (of which there are four in the Democratic Party, and five in the Republican party) with or without turning them into parties in their own right, and / or

   4) build
       (a) a general Labor, Syndicalist, and / or Co-Operativist party, to balance the interests of individual workers, fledgling unions, and egalitarian labor-managed firms against the interests of the National Labor Relations Board, and against government collusion with capital and Big Labor to exploit workers through profit, taxes, and union dues;

       (b) a Communalist and / or collectivist party, to balance the interests of the peoples and economies of neighborhoods, communities, counties, and small regional governments against the interests of large regional governments and centralized governments;
       (c) a Mutualist party, to balance the interests of lending institutions operating on the credit union model - and their customers - against the interests of usurious banks, corrupt treasury departments, fraudulent currency traders, pernicious lenders, stock brokers and speculators who trade with other people's money, and the insurance and securities industries; and
       (d) an Agorist party, to balance the interests of individually-run enterprises and non-hierarchically-managed firms (those which regulate and protect themselves efficiently and effectively) against the interests of those who support a State monopoly on the coercion of business and property owners, and against those who support State-monopoly licensing of the police and "private" security guards employed to protect person and property.

Ron Paul has played a significant role in popularizing the terms "Statism" and "Statist" in the American political lexicon. According to sociologist Max Weber, the State "upholds the claim to the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force in the enforcement of its order." President Obama adopted this definition when speaking about mercenaries while serving in the U.S. Senate.

The components of this definition of Statism are 1) monopoly and oligopoly, 2) territorial integrity, and 3) perceived legitimacy of initiatory force. Panarchy turns Statism on its head by supporting 1) polyopoly (diversity in competition), 2) open "borders", and 3) non-initiation of unwelcome intervention into people's disputes and affairs.

Although Ron Paul has made statements on immigration reform which have been characterized as anti-immigrant, Paul repeatedly voted against measures which would allow the military to assist in the protection of the U.S.-Mexico border, and measures which would provide for increased fencing and other infrastructure at the border. Furthermore, he has said that "[i]n the ideal libertarian world, borders would be blurred and open". These actions have drawn the ire of conservative commentators, some of whom have even gone so far as to characterize Paul as an "open borders politician, and an [']anti-racist['] cultural Marxist egalitarian".

Ron Paul has been influential in popularizing the 10th Amendment (the "states' rights" amendment) to the Constitution. Although often characterized as "racist" due to its having been cited to justify the secession of the southern states in the Civil War, the right of people and states to choose whether to delegate certain powers to the federal government was also invoked in Wisconsin to oppose the Fugitive Slave Act (thus assisting escaped slaves to evade capture). Furthermore - despite what Barack Obama may have claimed to believe about the following issues - the potential assertion of federal power against governors supporting the 10th Amendment is a major threat to the American people gaining the freedom to responsibly use marijuana and to enter into legal marriage with their domestic partners irrespective of their sexual orientation.

The 10th Amendment embodies the principle of decentralized government. So too does the "municipal home rule" of Wisconsin's Robert M. LaFollette. The market-anarchist and panarchist principle of a "free market in governance" contends that the individual should have the ability to choose who resolves his disputes and provides him with security, regardless of where he lives and travels. It supports the geographical decentralization of decision-making to the community (in Marxist and democratic-federalist formulations of the idea); and supports subsidiarism, the notion that decision-making and administration should be carried out at the smallest or lowest level of government capable and competent enough to do so. When these principles are applied, individuals and local governments become the "competitors" of centralized governments, competing with them to provide people with governance and other services.

Being that Ron Paul supports "de-regulation" only of those laws which suspend, prohibit, and nullify self-regulation of markets and regulations by states, communities, and consumers, we see that he would view the Interstate Commerce Clause as justifying federal "regulation" of markets within states only if states cause irregularities, interruptions, distortions, and barriers to trade, i.e.; barriers to the adjustment of individuals and economies to one-another's needs, in a mutually-beneficial, voluntarily-cooperative manner.

When we see that modern governments exercise monopolies over their territories - and can compel people to come to them exclusively to be provided with certain ostensibly essential services - and when we learn that not only does the government give businesses "corporate personhood", but also that the U.S. Code defines the federal government as "a federal corporation", we understand that national and state boundaries (especially when they take the form of physical borders), are intrinsic interruptions to voluntary cooperation and trade; when not de-facto interruptions, they are potential interruptions.

If we are resolved to gradually alter the State, I suggest that we invoke antitrust laws to empower the federal government to abolish not only business monopolies, but also oligopolies (control by the few) and hierarchies within them; as well as government monopolies, oligopolies, and hierarchy within government. This should be done with the intention of keeping the potential for commercial provision of governance (and other services) across state and national lines open and "regular" (i.e., well-"regulated" and uninhibited by aggressive, admittedly violent agencies with totalitarian motives).

This is how Obamacare was supposed to lower health insurance costs; by legalizing the sale and purchase of health care across state lines, and by providing a "public option" as an alternative to private health insurance. Well, guess what happened instead:

1) Health insurance and care costs are still going up,
2) it's still illegal to buy health insurance across state lines,
3) the public "option" compels us to buy from "private" health insurance agencies,
4) the law is being implemented at the most highly centralized level of government possible, and5) the law gives employers a way to avoid having to insure their employees, the effects of which threaten to establish a 28-hour work-week as the new national standard of the lower working class.



   “Regulations" don't result in production; people produce. "Regulations" don't work; people do.
   The most secure people with the most secure property in our society are not the ones producing security for us; we are the ones who produce security for them, and for their unjustly-acquired possessions.
   While our most cherished possessions – our property, our homes, and our families - are within meters of us, their most cherished possessions – our mortgages; the deeds to our property and homes and everything in and on them – are thousands of miles away behind bank vault doors.
   The idea that a market in the provision of security is untenable is false, as those who have the most to lose will relinquish the most in order to keep the remainder. We must cease performing the charitable act of allowing their privileges to go unchecked, which placates them and only serves to increase the efficiency of their parasitism.

  Every man ought to play a role in choosing who protects and secures him, and who resolves his disputes, and no man ought to intervene in the affairs of others without their consent, unless there exists clear and present danger of direct harm.
  Panarchy is governance by all people. No man is a ruler, but every man is a king.
  Peacefully defy boundaries, respect diversity in the spirit of friendly competition, and be not so callous as to pretend that your aggression is The Law.




For more entries on enterprise, business, business alliance, and markets, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/enlightened-catallaxy-reciprocally.html

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Two Competing Class Theories

Man is more enslaved by desires than by his needs,
and by his needs more than by his captors,
but by none of these so much as he is enslaved by ideology.


The proper set of ideas allows him to think his captors into or out of existence.
The proper set of captors allow him to seize or liberate that which satisfies his needs.
The proper set of satisfied needs allows him to yearn for or forsake his desires.

The proper set of nourished desires allows him to

dream himself, control himself, need himself,

and even to transcend desire itself.

As such, the revolution must be intellectual, political, biological, and spiritual,
and - if for some reason all of these things cannot be pursued simultaneously -
and in that order of priority, although not without equal importance.




 Click, expand, and download the above image,
and upload it to your Facebook photos to use as a banner.


The above prose and images were inspired
by Wally Conger's "Agorist Class Theory",
as well as by the work of Karl Marx,
Max Stirner and Hannah Arendt.



For more entries on theory of government, please visit:

Saturday, January 29, 2011

Immigration and the Minimum Wage

The U.S. (Right) - Mexico (Left) Border



Many socialists complain that the minimum wage law is a capitalist institution. The late economist Milton Friedman, who seemed oddly caught between the worlds of Austrian economics and Keynesianism, believed that the minimum wage law is an unfair, anti-capitalist trade barrier which contributes to unemployment and poverty, and that it is biased against the young, and also against under-skilled, which, under current societal conditions, means it is effectually racist.

Friedman once said, “the minimum wage law is most properly described as a law saying employers must discriminate against people who have low skills,” and, “what you are doing is to assure that people whose skills are not sufficient to justify that kind of a wage will be unemployed”. He also said that to require employment of a person at a wage rate higher than one he deserves is to force employers to engage in charity, and that the minimum wage law’s purpose is to “reduce competition for the trade unions and make it easier for them to maintain the wages of their privileged members higher than the others”.

However, it’s not only rich, dead, white Jews like Milton Friedman who oppose the minimum wage; it is also opposed by Orphe Divounguy, a black economic student from England. Divounguy says that the minimum wage is “government intervention in the marketplace for labor,” calls it a restriction on the freedom to contract, and compares it to cutting the bottom rungs off a ladder.

It should be noted that many companies which have revenue below a certain amount and / or are confined entirely within a state, are exempt from having to pay the minimum wage.

The 1950s and the last several years of the Bush administration saw sudden, drastic increases in the minimum wage. From 2006 to 2009, the federal minimum wage increased over 40 percent from $5.15 to $7.25 per hour. Divounguy claims that it “plays a key role in creating joblessness… except when the minimum wage is below the market rate for entry-level jobs”.

Fourteen U.S. states, the vast majority of which are currently majority-Democrat, have state minimum wage laws which are higher than the federal minimum wage. Four states have lower minimum wage laws, and five states, mostly majority-Republican, have no minimum wage laws at all. The other 27 states have a minimum wage which is the same as the federal wage. This begs the question: if states can pass laws which run contrary to the federal minimum wage law, what is the point of even having this ineffective federal law in the first place? 

That should cover capitalist criticism of the minimum wage law. Now, on to socialist arguments.



Earlier, I said that Milton Friedman criticized the minimum wage law. In fact, he once called it “the most anti-Negro law on the books.” It is an unfortunate problem in our country today that some of the most poor, uneducated, and disadvantaged people happen to be African-Americans and Hispanics. What is perhaps equally unfortunate is that many liberals believe that the disadvantaged do not know what is in their own best interest, and so, need to be protected and advocated for, and their own wages dictated for them by the rule of law.

The minimum wage was first established in a dozen or so of the states throughout the 1910s. In 1933, the minimum wage became a federal law, until it was found unconstitutional in 1935, but then in 1938, it was re-established under the Fair Labor Standards Act, at the rate of twenty-five cents per hour.

The condition of labor in the society of those days was that certain ethnic, national, and racial groups, as well as immigrants of different generations, tended to each have their own standards when it came to the value of their labor. When white workers would strike, employers would break strikes with blacks. When black workers would strike, employers would break strikes with Chinese or with eastern European immigrants.

Under such conditions, to enact a law which would impose a wage floor would make competition in the labor market more difficult for non-whites and non-English speakers, and easier for well-established white citizens. This is crucial to understanding why any sound socialist labor theory must reject the minimum wage.

In the Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx wrote, quote, “let the ruling classes tremble at a communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains; they have a world to win… working men of all countries, unite.” This quote appeals to the internationalist tendencies of socialism, which advocate simultaneous worldwide communist revolution.

This runs contrary to the social-chauvinist and vanguardist tendencies, which advocate that citizens faithful to the populist revolutionary forces within their own country should seek to overthrow that single country’s government if they are able to. The point I am trying to make is that minimum wage laws undermine worker solidarity, taking advantage of and deepening the economic class divisions between the races and ethnicities.

That should cover socialist criticisms of the minimum wage. Earlier, I mentioned that I would discuss immigration, and that two of the groups most hurt by the minimum wage law in the early 20th century were Chinese and eastern European immigrants. In an earlier video, I discussed outsourcing to India and Mexico, as well as protectionism. For those not familiar, protectionism is the imposition of a tax on foreign-made goods, commonly referred to as a tariff. George W. Bush often used the phrase “bariffs and terriers,” by which he meant, “tariffs and barriers.” This is to point out that a tariff can be an impediment to trade. Some even go so far as to label the minimum wage law a barrier to trade, calling it a tariff on labor.

For as long as I can remember, rednecks have been bitching about Mexicans stealing their jobs. To paraphrase stand-up comedian and brief 2008 presidential candidate Doug Stanhope, those rednecks are only complaining because they’re humiliated that a guy with no shoes who doesn’t even speak English yet is more qualified for their job than they are themselves. While appearing as a guest on a radio show in Britain, a caller complained to Stanhope that Polish immigrants were taking Britons’ jobs. Stanhope asked the caller what he did for a living, to which the caller replied, “I pack things in boxes,” later adding, “I’m quite good at it.”

Another important issue in America today which relates to immigration is the issue of illegal immigration across the U.S.-Mexico border. A significant number of these illegals include refugees from Central America. Lately, there has been increased drug violence in towns on both sides of the border.



In this year’s State of the Union, President Obama voiced a desire to deal with, once and for all, the issue of comprehensive immigration reform. U.S. Senator from Illinois Dick Durbin is a prominent advocate of the failed DREAM Act, which stands for Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors. The bill, which passed the House toward the end of the 111th congress, would provide housing and education assistance for children of illegal immigrants who attended American public schools and are in good standing with the law, and it would give them the opportunity to earn conditional permanent residency upon completion of either two years of military service or two years at an institution of higher learning.

U.S. Senator from Arizona John McCain said he would only support the DREAM Act if it were coupled with legislation that would increase border security. Outspoken musician and gun rights activist Ted Nugent, who happens to not do any drugs at all, once said that border security agents should shoot any armed person coming across the border on sight, because it indicates that that person is most likely involved in drug trafficking. But Ted Nugent also believes that people should be able to have guns to protect themselves.

A border agent was recently fired for expressing the opinion that the drug war is what is causing a lot of the border violence. Being that Mexican gun laws are some of the strictest in the world, anyone caught possessing either a gun with greater fire power than a .22, possessing illegal drugs, and / or crossing the border illegally, would be in big trouble with the law.

But I, of course, believe that if anti-drug and anti-gun laws were repealed, at least, for the most part, we would see a dramatic decline in violence, especially near the border. I also believe that illegal immigrants whom are not trafficking in large amounts of dangerously addictive illicit narcotics or have tendencies towards committing acts of aggressive violence should be permitted to carry weapons while venturing across the desert, because they may encounter such violent people, and have to defend themselves and / or their family. Those people should be confronted by border security agents, have their threat level assessed based on their possessions and whether they are with their families, and then they should be promptly let go… So as you can see, I agree with Senator McCain’s proposal (wink).



Back to the minimum wage for a moment. Besides the negative impact of the minimum wage law on low-skilled immigrants, there is an even more direct comparison I would like to make between the U.S.-Mexico border and the minimum wage law. Imagine for a moment, if you would, that Oaxaca is eleven dollars an hour, Mexico City is ten dollars an hour, Ciudad Valles is nine dollars an hour, Ciudad Victoria is eight dollars an hour, Matamoros is seven dollars and twenty-six cents an hour, the U.S.-Mexico border is the minimum wage, and Brownsville, Texas is seven dollars an hour.

The minimum wage is like the U.S.-Mexico border: it is an artificial barrier created by government, causing the most dismal conditions to sidle up against one edge, and when a low-skilled Hispanic emigrant attempts to cross that barrier in order to attempt to achieve the freedom and income he deserves - despite what others tell him is in his own best interest - government must return that individual to the side of the barrier on which he does not feel it appropriate, wise, or beneficial for himself to be located.

This minimum wage cannot stand. If we agree there should be a minimum wage at all, it should be just under the going market rate for entry-level labor, and adjusted as often as that value undergoes a significant change. The federal minimum wage law undermines the authority of the states, and it drives laborers apart based on ethnicity and abilities. It is a scourge to free-market capitalism, localized communal social democracy, and the strength of the labor movement, and at its current rate, it contributes to poverty and unemployment much more than it solves either of those problems.

Liberals and libertarians both believe in liberty and equality, it’s just that they want different kinds of each of those things. Liberals want liberty for the public from the tyranny of individuals and business, and they want equality of economic outcome. Libertarians want liberty for the individual and businesses from the tyranny of the masses and the government, and they want equality of economic opportunity. So, you see, true capitalists do care about the poor. It just doesn’t look that way to the untrained eye.


For more entries on borders, immigration, and territorial integrity, please visit:


For more entries on employment, unemployment, the minimum wage, and Right-to-Work, please visit:

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