Showing posts with label Anarcho-Capitalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anarcho-Capitalism. Show all posts

Friday, December 2, 2016

Baby Starving Rothbardians, Part 1: Ethos

     The following was the description of my now-defunct Facebook page “Baby Starving Rothbardians”.
 
 
Baby Starving Rothbardians (B.S.R.) believe that the N.A.P. (the Non-Aggression Principle, or Non-Aggression Axiom / N.A.A.) should be construed to prohibit aggression against individuals who negligently fail to care for people of whom they never consented or committed to take care.
We, the Baby Starving Rothbardians, call this view of the N.A.P., the “Baby Starving Principle (B.S.P.)”, or “Baby Starving Axiom (B.S.A.)”. This applies to all people, regardless of their age, heritage, culture, or their status as the child of the person expected to feed them.
 
 
Baby Starving Rothbardians believe that to prohibit aggression against people who neglect those of whom they never promised to take care, means that there should be no laws passed against any arguably immoral or amoral behavior, for three reasons. The first is deontological, the second is utilitarian, and the third is consequentialist.
The first, and deontological, argument against punishing such neglect, is the opposition to the Alienation of the Will, and the opposition to the Prior Restraint of Action. As a bit of background information, the Alienation of the Will (at least, the alienation of the will from reason) was discussed favorably by Arthur Schopenhauer and Friedrich Nietzsche; and Prior Restraint of Action has been discussed critically by Ron Paul, and by others favoring a consistent “natural rights” defense of liberty.
The argument against punishing neglect (when care was never promised) which relies on the opposition to the Alienation of the Will, is based on the idea that the Alienation of the Will, and the Prior Restraint of Action, both hinder, as well as alter the moral character of, behavior and action.
This is to say that the inability to choose to commit an immoral or amoral act, robs people of moral agency in the “decision” not to commit the act. By this, I mean that the existence of laws against the act or behavior – as well as the existence of police forces (sometimes armed with military-grade equipment) positioned ubiquitously, and ready to prevent and punish the behavior – creates a “chilling effect” upon the freedom of action.
The robbery of moral agency deprives a person of any and all responsibility involved in refraining from committing an arguably immoral or amoral act. This robbery thereby negates the right of a person to take credit for any benefit that comes from “their own” action (or, more appropriately, inaction). It also absolves a person of any right to take personal responsibility, and obligation to accept any punishment, for any harm that comes from those actions.
 
The second argument against punishing neglect (when no care was promised) is a utilitarian one: the need to commit some arguably immoral or amoral act(s) in order to effect some greater good for a greater number.
 
The third argument against punishing similar neglect is a consequentialist one: the corruptibility of laws, and enforcers of laws, against such behaviors, as well as the disproportionate force and harsh punishment, which arrest, and enforcement of such laws, often entails.
 
 
Baby Starving Rothbardians do not discriminate between the libertarian left and libertarian right; nor between 1960s counter-culturalist left-Rothbardians and late-stage 1980s-90s right-Rothbardians; nor between deontological, utilitarian, and consequentialist libertarians.
We welcome all people who accept the Non-Aggression Principle, and understand the concept of the Alienation of the Will. We welcome adherents to any and all libertarian, decentralist, anarchist, and voluntaryist politicoeconomic philosophies.
 
 
 
Post-Script (Written and Added on January 24th through 25th, 2016):

            I would like to note that I do not personally support the second argument (the utilitarian argument) which I have presented against punishing neglect. Nor do I support the consequentialist ethics in general which give rise to the third argument.
I have presented the second and third arguments against the punishment of neglect, solely for their own sake; that is, because it is useful, and consequential (in regards to supporting my desired ends), to mention them.
Now I’m thinking like a Machiavellian!



Second Post-Script (Written and Added on October 6th, 2021):
     The case could be made for a deontological line of reasoning as to why neglect shouldn't be punished. One reason is to prevent further harm from occurring.
     While it could be argued that parents who neglect their children should have their children taken away from them, it could also be wrong to take a child away from a parent who has learned their lesson not to neglect their child anymore.
     Sometimes simply suspecting a parent of abuse, or charging a parent with abuse (but then not following through with the charges), is enough to teach the parent to stop neglecting their child.
     Not all negligent parents have to be threatened with jail time or fines to stop neglecting their children. Some parents just need correction by other parents.





Based on the description of a Facebook group
called "Baby Starving Rothbardians),
originally written in late September and October 2014
 
Edited on November 8th, 2015,
and on January 9th, 24th, and 25th, 2016
 
First Post-Script Written on January 24th through 25th, 2016
Second Post-Script Written and Added on October 6th, 2021

Sunday, December 6, 2015

Anarchist School Questionnaire Results

The following image was designed in 2013.

It shows the sixteen possible results of a questionnaire that I designed,
which asks the user several questions,
and suggests the anarchist school or tendency
with which the user likely aligns, based on their responses.




Sunday, April 20, 2014

Questions About Ayn Rand

Written on September 28th, 2011



   Rand criticized altruism as the precept that one should give up his life and welfare for others while demanding that others do the same.

   She said, “It’s fine to help other people if you want to” “when and if those others mean something to you selfishly”, and she did not consider reciprocating gifts to others – even those whom one loves – as a moral duty.

   In light of these comments, it appears that what Rand most abhorred was not the act of giving to others so much as the promotion of the idea that one should feel obligated to give to others.

   She also characterized reciprocal altruism as “an exchange of… presents that neither party wants”.

   Did Rand fail to take into account the free-market principle of subjective value; i.e., the idea that transactions which are mutually voluntary are always mutually beneficial by the subjective standards of all parties to the transactions?

   How can those who subscribe to Rand’s philosophy – evidently equating the feeling of moral obligation with coercion and force themselves – simultaneously advocate the abolition of obviously coercive Statist social-welfare programs while actively discouraging charitable giving to those disadvantaged whom they do not know and expect the disadvantaged to receive any benefit from the moralistic capitalist system which Rand recommends be practiced?

   How is the Randian capitalist who – when asked to participate in a mutually-voluntary transaction (which would not take place unless each party found the transaction to be in his mutual interest and benefit) – feels it appropriate to actively discourage charitable giving to the disadvantaged (even at the risk of their prolonged suffering and death) any different from the socialist laborer who consents to have profit extracted from him by a capitalist entrepreneur, and then unionizes his fellow employees, and actively encourages workplace democracy as well as the eventual violent overthrow of the capitalist system?




For more entries on theory of government, please visit:

Friday, January 3, 2014

Twenty-Five Reasons Why Political Libertarians and Anarcho-Capitalists are Not Anarchists, But Should Be

   1. Political libertarians legitimize the State by voting in elections; the “libertarian” politicians they vote for are Statists, Ron Paul and Gary Johnson included.

   2. Murray Rothbard, Ron Paul, and Gary Johnson have all associated with the Libertarian Party since 1980; the year David Koch donated $500,000 to the party and became its candidate for vice-president. Gary Johnson continues to defend the Koch brothers.

   3. Murray Rothbard, who coined the term “anarcho-capitalism”, admitted that he was not an anarchist. He wrote that “those who call us anarchists are not on firm etymological ground, and are being completely unhistorical.”

   4. Murray Rothbard admitted that market-anarchist Gustave de Molinari would find the term “anarcho-capitalism” objectionable.
   
   5. “Anarcho-capitalists” are not anarchists because the first person to describe himself as an anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who opposed capitalist banking practices and private property in the means of production.

   6. “Anarcho-capitalists” cannot be “libertarians” because the word is traditionally associated with “libertarian socialism” in Europe; the first person to self-describe as a libertarian was Joseph Dejacque, an anarcho-communist associated with the Paris Commune.

   7. Promoting “voluntaryism” or “individualism” in the context of political libertarianism is not anarchist; the voluntaryism of Lysander Spooner and the individualism of Max Stirner make excellent anti-capitalist anarchist substitutes for these false ideals of conservatism.

   8. “Anarcho-capitalism” and political voluntaryism imply that people can voluntarily submit to workplace hierarchy and wage labor in a bourgeois-capitalist system. This is incompatible with the idea of anarchism, the lack of leadership and domination. Work is involuntary because common lands were stolen by lords for their own financial benefit, forcing peasants to sell their labor in industrializing urban centers. Read about Thomas More and territorial enclosure.

   9. Property rights and the distribution of goods and services doesn't have to be controlled or dominated by capitalists in order to be considered capitalist; a system merely has to feature private property rights to qualify as capitalist.

   10. Private property rights in land require exclusion from landed property. A system of ubiquitous private property rights would feature exclusion from landed property as a factor of production, rather than equal access to landed property, which is necessary to perfect and complete the system of competitive markets.

   11. The rights of private property (of exclusion and exclusive domination) do not have to be actively practiced in order to be retained; it is the State and the system of rentier capitalism that require people to demonstrate active exclusion in order to claim property as private. People would otherwise be free to make their private property into a sort of private commons, and let people live on their property – and live off of its produce – free of charge.

   12. The State-controlled monopolies on licensing, permit, charter, zoning, economic rent, subsidy, and intellectual property are not natural monopolies; self-described anarchists and libertarians have no business supporting them because monopoly is the antithesis of – rather than the inevitable result of – competition, and because a perfect market is a competitive market.

   13. A system of ubiquitous private property rights is simply not desirable or practical in a voluntary society featuring free and fair markets. If you don't want the State to tell you what kind of currency to use, what bank to invest your money in, which union to join at your workplace, which enterprise to buy from, or which community to live in, then you likely support various forms of social anarchism – and therefore non-exclusive forms of possession, use, and access - and you should learn about artificial markets, debt-free currency, social credit, mutual and cooperative banks, syndicates, autonomous unions, egalitarian labor-managed firms, and synthesis-anarchism (anarchy without adjectives).

   14. Private property in land is Statism. The right of private property is the State-sanctioned exclusive right to practice domination over a territory, which is identical to the definition of Statism; the local monopoly on legitimate violence. It is the unquestionable, irresponsible, irresponsive right to exclusively dominate landed property – to use, abuse, and even destroy it - without being required to answer to anyone about.

   15. If you have to give people exorbitant compensation to protect your property for you (or assist you in doing so), you are creating a mercenary system and contributing to the regimentation and militarization of labor. You should not have to bribe people into potentially giving their lives to protect your person and property. You have to earn your property by actively protecting it yourself; making sustainable improvements to it; refusing to call the police to help protect it; and resolving to never accept a bailout if your house collapses, your business fails, or your property becomes blighted.

   16. People do not have the right to stockpile extravagant wealth or powerful weapons on their property; not without being required to pay the high costs which it would take to protect their neighbors from them (because the status of the rich as the rich makes them the most effective – and therefore the most practical and likely – targets of property crime, along with the people living near them), nor without allowing transparency from their neighbors.
   If the assessment of risk were fair and mutual, the privileged rich would be expected to pay the costs necessary to protect the remainder of their wealth from the unprivileged poor. Rational companies protecting person and property would charge the most dangerous and privileged people the highest premiums to ensure the protection of their lives and the remainder of their wealth, distributing those funds to its willing customers as equal shares in the company and rights to the security it provides.

   17. Planting landmines around one's property (“landmine homesteading”) and setting traps on your property is no legitimate way to earn private property, and it is especially no legitimate way to protect it while you are away and unable to defend it (absentee ownership).
   This behavior is especially objectionable if you own and / or display a lot of very valuable or dangerous personal property, and your neighbors know it. This behavior creates what is called “attractive nuisance”, and you as the property owner would be liable for injury, because you would have attracted people to the property in order to lure them into a trap. Consider this idea in light of the illegal immigration issue.

   18. You didn't “build that” by yourself. Although you might have had no choice but to allow the State to help you build your legitimate business, and protect you and your property and assets, the State is partially responsible for conditioning and guiding you to your current privilege and success, due to its subsidies, tax cuts, intellectual property, and other special favors. That is not debateable, but whether it means we have to “give something back” to bureaucrats, public sector union leaders, and people who are retiring, or “pay it forward” to the next generation, is debatable.

   19. It is wrong to disparage or blame people for taking advantage of free, taxpayer-subsidized State assistance, such as food stamps and housing and medical assistance (including ambulance rides and trips to emergency rooms). It is not poor people's fault that the State has practically monopolized the provision of charity in some places.
   Unemployed and homeless people taking advantage of all the non-public-sector charity services in your area will not necessarily have access to the same services as unemployed and homeless people in other areas of the country. Some areas are more difficult for the poor to live without State assistance than others, even if they make the most effective use of private charity possible.

   20. Not all “welfare” and “redistribution” is Statist. “Welfare” simply means “well-being”. “Redistribution” of wealth can occur without the State, and in a manner consistent with “distributism”, the idea that there are not too many capitalists but too few owners (or user-accessors) of the means of production. According to Gary Chartier, radical redistribution occurs through elimination of Stte privilege, operation of freed markets, acts of solidarity, radical rectification of State theft, and radical homesteading.

   21. Not all “privatization” is good. The personal element should always be emphasized over the private; do not actively privatize retirement accounts, but allow them to be personalized. Privatization should be about competition between enterprise to provide high quality goods and services ("radical privatization"), not about no-bid government contracts through special favors. Competitive markets cannot function when the distortions caused by the coercive pricing mechanisms of the State and its “private-sector” beneficiaries are present.

   22. “Voluntaryist” and “individualist” libertarians and conservatives aren't the only ones who want to maximize individual choice in government. Austro-Marxist and social democrat Otto Bauer's conception of “national personal autonomy” advocates a non-territorial association of persons, with free individual accession to the political system of one's choice. Criticize collectivists based on their deviation from this viewpoint and you will be successful in defending individualism without ignoring the necessity of collectivism.

   23. Communism, socialism, and cooperativism are not flawed because they are collectivist; they are flawed because they are capitalist. They employ communal, social, and cooperative selective inhibition of access to the means of production as expressions of exclusionary private property, rather than ensuring collaboratively managed equal freedom to access, use, possess, and occupy the factors of production. Gustave de Molinari wrote that “communism is an extension of monopoly”.

   24. Equal access to the factors of production (land, labor, and capital) is a necessary condition for establishing a perfect and complete system of competitive markets.

   25. Privilege is no less unearned because it is bestowed than because it is unchecked. Physical force against aggressors can be justified without appealing to a State; to a monopoly on legitimate violence. The right to commit legitimate violence lies in the right of the people to defend themselves against individuals who attack and threaten others, including by limiting their access to resources essential to providing for adequate sustenance, without which all physical labor is taxing, difficult, inefficient, and underproductive.






Written and Originally Published on January 3rd, 2014
Image added on December 2nd, 2017









For more entries on enterprise, business, business alliance, and markets, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2010/10/enlightened-catallaxy-reciprocally.html
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/agorist-protection-agencies-and.html

For more entries on theory of government, please visit:

Monday, March 18, 2013

Market Anarchy "Without Adjectives"


Market Anarchy Without Adjectives is a strain of radical anti-Statist anarchism, panarchism, and market anarchism. M.A.W.A. is also a strain of Anarchism Without Adjectives in that it promotes co-existence of different anarchist schools [collectivist, communalist, syndicalist, cooperativist, mutualist, geoist, left-libertarian, individualist, market-oriented, etc.].

M.A.W.A. is informed by anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker's understanding of the various anarchist schools of thought as "only different methods of economy". M.A.W.A. contends that each of these economic formulations of anarchism is a model for the organization not only of political institutions / associations, but also communities, and enterprises / firms.

M.A.W.A. asserts that adherents of these schools of thought, should form personal and property protection (and defense, and other) agencies, and perfectly compete (and engage in "co-opetition") in freed, fair, and complete markets for governance, in order to provide better services to consumers of defense (etc.), and to diminish the power of monopolies (especially in defense and property protection).

M.A.W.A. endorses the left-Rothbardian idea of "markets, not capitalism" (Gary Chartier and Charles W. Johnson), and the notion that the various economic strains of anarchism should compete in a "market for liberty" (Linda and Morris Tannehill). M.A.W.A. promotes the idea that all resources be allocated to the public by freely, fairly, and amicably competing agorists, freelancers, entrepreneurs, mutuals, co-operatives, communes, anti-establishment unions, syndicates, and egalitarian labor-managed firms.

M.A.W.A. is informed by adjectiveless and insurrectionary anarchist Errico Malatesta's having said "Imposed communism would be... tyranny... And free and voluntary communism is ironical if one [lacks] the right... to live in a different regime... collectivist, mutualist, individualist... as one wishes, always on condition that there is no oppression or exploitation of others".

M.A.W.A. supports Distributist G.K. Chesterton's idea that "too much capitalism" indicates that not enough market participants are "capitalists", and recommends that anarchists use non-State-assisted tactics to out-compete the State to provide the people with capital, access to the means of production, and the means of subsistence, as well as to re-appropriate expropriated wealth and authority from the State.

M.A.W.A. supports individual consumer choice, perfected competition and freed and completed markets, and free fair trade. Although M.A.W.A. is in favor of markets, it does not oppose or exclude anarchists or radicals of the left. The contributions of Otto Bauer, Rudolf Rocker, Errico Malatesta, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and others, are indispensable to M.A.W.A.'s politicoeconomic theory.

M.A.W.A. endorses counter-economics, direct action, mutual aid, and Gary Chartier's market-oriented approach to redistribution (elimination of privilege, freeing the market, acts of solidarity, radical rectification of State theft, and radical homesteading).

M.A.W.A. supports market-oriented redistribution that takes into account the history of past aggression against people from any and all demographic backgrounds, especially aggression by governments that displace nations of people from their native lands.


Panarchists are against nation-States, but not against nationalism as a social concept. M.A.W.A. endorses the notion that there should be redistribution which is neither solely nor chiefly based on race, ethnicity, or nation of origin; nor on the "nations" of people of different creeds, genders, sexual orientations, educations, skill-levels, and abilities.

Panarchists reject the three characteristics of Statism identified (but not enumerated) by Max Weber: territorial integrity, monopoly (and oligopoly), and the legitimacy of violence. They instead promote polyopoly (openness and diversity in competition), open "borders", and non-initiation of unauthorized intervention into people's disputes and affairs. M.A.W.A. asserts that a negation of the State as Weber sees it, would be compatible with the “National Personal Autonomy” of Austromarxist Otto Bauer, who said “the personal principle wants to organize persons not in territorial bodies, but in simple associations.”

M.A.W.A. opposes Tripartism (a fusion of Neo-Liberalism and Neo-Corporatism, in which States, businesses, and labor organizations jointly intervene in the economy); it opposes the collusion of exploitative capitalism with overly-conciliatory establishmentarian labor unions and government, to provide a "level playing field for capital and labor" through imposing coercive taxation on consumers whom would otherwise choose who protects them and arbitrates their disputes from among various providers


M.A.W.A. is open to synthesis-anarchist thought, as well as the full expression of each individual school of thought in voluntary anarchist experiments.




Anarchy Without Adjectives flag symbol designed by Joe Kopsick,
circular versions designed by Crizzle of Crizzle's Buttons, based on Joe Kopsick's design




















For more entries on enterprise, business, business alliance, and markets, please visit:



For more entries on theory of government, please visit:
http://www.aquarianagrarian.blogspot.com/2014/05/the-general-welfare-clause.html


Written and Published in March 2013,
Edited in November 2014

How to Fold Two Square Pieces of Card Stock into a Box

      This series of images shows how to take two square pieces of card stock (or thick paper), and cut and fold them into two halves of a b...